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3 1833 02519 7101 

:0c 977 M69 v. 2 1903-1909 
I Mississippi Valley 

Historical Association. 
Proceedings of the 

Mississippi Valley „ . . 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 









THE YEAR 1908-1909 







Alien County Public Librarj 
900 Webster Street 

RSayne, IN 46801-2270 



This volume of the Proceedings of the Mississippi 
Valley Historical Association covers the transactions of 
the Association from the close of the first annual meeting 
in 1908 to the close of the second annual meeting in 1909. 
During this period two meetings of the Association were 
held — one at Richmond, Virginia, on December 30, 1908, 
and the other at St. Louis, Missouri, on June 17, 18, 
and 19, 1909. The Richmond meeting was the regular 
December meeting, held in connection with the annual 
meeting of the American Historical Associaton. The St. 
Louis meeting was the second annual meeting of the 
Association. Papers and addresses delivered at these 
two meetings are included in this volume. 

Acknowledgments of assistance received in the prep- 
aration of these pages for publication are due to the 
same persons and in the same measure as in the preceding 
volume of this series. That is to say, to Mr. Clarence 
S. Paine, the Secretary-Treasurer of the Association, the 
editor is indebted for much assistance in collecting 
materials. In preparing the copy for the printers and 
also in reading the proofs Dr. John C. Parish, Assistant 
Editor in The State Historical Socety of Iowa, rendered 
valuable aid and counsel. The index is the work of Mr. 
Dan E. Clark, Research Assistant in The State Historical 
Society of Iowa. 

Benj. F. Shambaugh 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 
Iowa City, Iowa 



Constitution 9 

Officers for 1908-1909 ....... 11 

Meetings for 1908-1909 

December Meeting 15 

Second Annual Meeting 16 

Report of Secretary-Treasurer, June, 1909 . . 25 

Papers and Addresses 
Trade Conditions in Illinois 1765-1768 (by title) . 35 

The North Carolina Cession of 1784 in its Federal 

Aspects 35 

William Clark — The Indian Agent ... 63 

The Story of Sergeant Charles Floyd ... 76 

Address of Welcome (by title) .... 95 

Response to the Address of Welcome. ... 95 

The Conservation of the Natural Resources of 

the Mississippi Valley 99 

Ethnological Problems of the Upper Mississippi 

Valley (by title) 112 

Ethnological Problems of the Lower Mississippi 

Valley 112 

Physiography as Related to History in the Mis- 
sissippi Valley (by title) 128 

The Study of the Present as an Aid to the Inter- 
pretation of the Past 128 

Applied History 137 

Recent Historical Legislation in Arkansas . . 140 

Plans of the Archaeological Institute of America 

for Work in America (by title) . . . 144 

Sculpture as a Factor in History .... 144 

The Marking of Historic Places and the Erection 

of Historical Monuments in Illinois . . 148 

The Relation of State and Historical Libraries . 164 

Early Banking in Kentucky 168 

Remarks on the Study of Aboriginal American His- 
tory 182 

The Election of the First United States Senators 

from Iowa 190 

The Significence of the Attack on St. Louis, 1780 199 

Did Coronado Reach the Missouri River or Enter 

the State of Missouri (by title) . . . 218 

The Western Sanitary Commission .... 218 

Early Trade and Travel in the Loy^er Mississippi 

Valley 235 

Index • . 259 



The name of this organization shall be The Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Association. 


The object of the Association shall be to promote 
historical study and research and to secure cooperation 
between the historical societies and the departments of 
history of the Mississippi Valley. 


Any one interested in the study of Mississippi Val- 
ley history may become an active member upon payment 
of the dues hereinafter provided. 


The officers of the Association shall be a President, 
a Vice President, and a Secretary-Treasurer, who with 
two other active members, and such ex-Presidents of the 
Association as retain their membership therein, shall 
constitute the Executive Committee. All officers shall 
be elected at the annual meeting in June, and shall hold 
office for one year or until their successors are elected 
and have qualified. The Executive Committee shall have 
general charge of the affairs of the Association, including 
the calling of meetings and selection of papers to be read. 


Eegular meetings of the Association shall be held in 
the months of June and December of each year, on such 
day and at such place as the Executive Committee may 


determine; provided, however, that the December meet- 
ing shall be held at the same time and place as the annual 
meeting of the American Historical Association. 


The annnal dues for active members shall be one 


This Constitution may be amended at any regular 
meeting, notice of such amendment having been given at 
a previous meeting, or the proposed amendment having 
received the approval of the Executive Committee. 



THE YEAR 1908-1909 


Associate Professor, University of Illinois 


Secretary of the State Historical Society of North Dakota 



Secretary of the Nebraska State Historical Society 

In addition to above named officers 



Secretary of the State Historical Society of Missouri 


Director of the Department of Archives and History of the State 

of Alabama 


Superintendent of the State Historical Society of Iowa 


Director of the Department of Archives and History of the State 

of Mississippi 






(Bichmond, Virginia, December 30, 1908) 


The December meeting of the Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association was held at Richmond, Virginia, 
in accordance with the constitutional provision that this 
meeting shall be held at the same time and place as the 
annual meeting of the American Historical Association. 
The session was held on December 30, 1908, in the Hall 
of the House of Delegates, Capitol Building. Mr. 0. E. 
Carter of Illinois College presented a paper on Trade 
Conditions in Illinois 1765-1768. A paper on The North 
Carolina Cession of 1784 in its Federal Aspects was read 
by Mr. St. George L. Sioussat of the University of the 
South, Sewanee, Tennessee. Mr. Harlow Lindley of 
Earlham College, Earlham, Indiana, presented a paper 
on William Clark — the Indian Agent. And Mr. F. H. 
Garver of Morningside College, Sioux City, Iowa, told 
The Story of Sergeant Charles Floyd. 

(Jefferson Hotel, Kichmond, Virginia, December 30, 1908) 

The following persons were present at this session 
of the Executive Committee: Clarence W. Alvord, 
Thomas M. Owen, Dunbar Eowland, C. S. Paine, and 
George W. Martin. 


On motion of Mr. Owen the question of the time and 
place for the regular annual meeting of the Association 
was referred to the President and Secretary-Treasurer 
with power. 

On motion of Mr. Eowland the President and Secre- 
tary-Treasurer were authorized to confer with friends 
of the Association regarding the creation of a publication 

On motion of Mr. Owen the President, Secretary- 
Treasurer, and Mr. Eowland were constituted a commit- 
tee of three on publication of collections. After some 
informal discussion the meeting adjourned. 


(St. Louis, Missouri, June 17, 18, and 19, 1909) 


The first session of the second annual meeting of the 
Mississippi Valley Historical Association was held at the 
Cabanne Branch Library in St. Louis on Thursday even- 
ing, June 17, 1909. The meeting was called to order by 
Judge Walter B. Douglas, Vice President of the Missouri 
Historical Society. In the absence of Governor Herbert 
S. Hadley, Judge Douglas cordially welcomed the mem- 
bers of the Association to the city of St. Louis. He then 
introduced Mr. Orin G. Libby, Vice President of the Asso- 
ciation, who responded with a brief address in which he 
outlined the plans and purposes of the organization and 
emphasized especially the great need of cooperation 
among the various historical agencies of the Mississippi 
Valley. The principal paper of the evening, which was 
on The Conservation of the Natural Resources of the 
Mississippi Valley, was read by Hon. Ernest M. Pollard 
of Nehawka, Nebraska. 


The second session opened on Friday, June 18, at 9 


a. m., in the rooms of the Missouri Historical Society. 
Mr. Libby presided. The first topic on the program for 
this session was The Mississippi Valley as an Ethnologi- 
cal Field. Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology spoke on the Upper Mississippi Region, and 
was followed by Mr. John E. S want on of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology, whose paper was devoted chiefly 
to the Lower Mississippi Region. The discussion which 
followed the reading of these papers was participated 
in by James N. Baskett, William F. Woerner, and others. 
Physiography as Related to History in the Mississippi 
Valley was the subject of an interesting and valuable 
address by Mr. Curtis Fletcher Marbut of the University 
of Missouri. Mr. William F. Woerner of St. Louis was 
then introduced to read the paper by Mr. Edward A. 
Ross on The Study of the Present as an Aid to the Inter- 
pretation of the Past. The discussion of this paper, 
which was led by Mr. Woerner, concluded the second 


The third session, which was held on Friday after- 
noon in the rooms of the Missouri Historical Society, was 
a conference of historical societies, presided over by Mr. 
Edgar E. Harlan, Acting Curator of the Historical De- 
partment of Iowa. After Mr. Harlan had outlined the 
purpose of the conference, Mr. Benjamin F. Shambaugh 
of The State Historical Society of Iowa was called upon 
to discuss the subject of Applied History. This address 
was followed by a general discussion, led by Mr. William 
A. Meese of Moline, Illinois. Mr. John Hugh Eeynolds 
of Fayetteville, Arkansas, was next introduced to discuss 
Recent Historical Legislation in Arkansas. Mr. Fred- 
erick W. Shipley of Washington University, who was to 
have presented a paper on Plans of the Archaeological 
Institute of America for Work in America, was unavoid- 
ably absent and his place on the program was taken by 


Mr. George Julian Zolnay, who read a paper on Sculpture 
as a Factor in History. Mr. William A. Meese then 
offered a paper on Marking Historic Sites in Illinois. 
The conference was closed with a paper on the Relation 
of State and Historical Libraries, by Mr. Francis A. 
Sampson, Secretary of the State Historical Society of 

After some informal remarks by the Rev. G. W. 
Cunningham of St. Louis, the meeting adjourned to 
permit the members to visit University City as the guests 
of Mr. E. G. Lewis. Returning from University City, 
a brief stop was made at the St. Louis University, where, 
through the courtesy of President John P. Frieden, the 
members of the Association were permitted to view the 
famous Kaskaskia Records. 

At 6 p. m. the members met for dinner at the Planters 
Hotel. After dinner Vice President Libby, as toast- 
master, introduced Mr. E. M. Pollard, Mr. James Mooney, 
and others, who spoke happily of various phases of the 
work of the Association. Adjournment being taken to 
the parlors of the hotel, the remainder of the evening 
was spent in social intercourse. 


The fourth session began at 9 a. m. on Saturday, 
June 19, with Mr. Libby in the chair. The first paper 
on the program was a study of Early Banking in Ken- 
tucky, by Mr. Elmer Cummings Griffith of William Jewell 
College. A paqoer by Mr. William H. Holmes, Chief of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology, entitled Remarks on 
the Study of Aboriginal American History, was read by 
Mr. James Mooney on account of the unavoidable absence 
of Mr. Holmes. The First Election of United States 
Senators in Iowa was the subject of a paper by Mr. Dan 
Elbert Clark of The State Historical Society of Iowa. 
A paper by Mr. Frank Heywood Hodder on The Second 


Missouri Compromise was not read owing to the absence 
of Mr. Hodder. 

After a recess of five minutes the meeting was called 
to order for the transaction of business. The minutes of 
the last annual meeting and of two meetings of the Exec- 
utive Committee were read by the Secretary-Treasurer. 
The Secretary- Treasurer then presented his second an- 
nual report, which was accepted and ordered placed on 
file. After some discussion, participated in by Mr. Sham- 
baugh, Mr. Harlan, Mr. Eeynolds, and the Secretary- 
Treasurer, that part of the report of the Secretary- 
Treasurer recommending a plan of publication was ap- 
proved. The Executive Committee was empowered to 
name a board of publication to consist of one member 
from each State in the Mississippi Valley, and the said 
board was authorized to proceed to work out the details 
of the proposed plan. The Secretary-Treasurer then 
presented his financial report, which was referred to an 
auditing committee composed of Mr. J. A. James, Mr. J. 
H. Eeynolds and Mr. Dan Elbert Clark. 

A committee on nominations consisting of Edgar R. 
Harlan, Francis A. Sampson, and Clarence S. Paine was 
appointed by the Chair. After some further discussion 
concerning the publication of the Proceedings of the 
Association the matter was referred to the Executive 
Committee with power. 


The fifth and final session of the second annual meet- 
ing of the Association was opened at 2 p. m. on Saturday, 
June 19, with the report of the auditing committee. Mr. 
James reported for the committee that the accounts and 
vouchers of the Secretary-Treasurer had been checked 
over and found to be correct. The report of the commit- 
tee was adopted, and the financial report of the Secretary- 
Treasurer was approved. Mr. Shambaugh, chairman of 
the Committee on Resolutions, reported the following: 


The Committee on Resolutions recommend the adoption of 
the following resolutions : — 

1. Resolved, That the Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- 
ciation express its appreciation of the generous hospitality of 
the Missouri Historical Society. We appreciate the interest 
taken in the meeting by Miss Idress Head and regret that sickness 
has prevented her from attending the sessions. 

2. Resolved, That a vote of thanks be extended to Mr. 
E. G. Lewis for his kindness in affording the members of the 
Association an opportunity to visit University City. 

3. Resolved, That a vote of thanks be extended to Pres- 
ident John P. Frieden, S. J., for his kind invitation to visit the 
St. Louis University and examine the Kaskaskia Records. 

4. Resolved, That a vote of thanks be extended to Hon. 
E. M. Pollard for the interest which he has taken in the Asso- 
ciation and for his address on the Conservation of the Natural 
Resources of the Mississippi Valley. 

5. Resolved, That a vote of thanks be extended to Mr. 
James Mooney, Mr. John R. Swanton, and Mr. "Wm. H. Holmes, 
and through them to the Bureau of American Ethnology, for the 
excellent ethnological discussions presented at this meeting. 

6. Resolved, That the Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- 
ciation express hearty approval of the policy of marking historic 
sites; that this policy be commended to the historical societies 
throughout the Mississippi Valley ; and that the attention of the 
Congress of the United States be called to the propriety of 
providing for the erection of a monument to La Salle at the 
mouth of the Mississippi River and a monument to Marquette 
and Joliet at the mouth of the Wisconsin River. 

7. Resolved, That the Association express its appreciation 
of the generosity of the press in giving publicity to the proceed- 
ings of this meeting. 

8. Resolved, That the Association express hearty approval 
of the plans of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the 
publication of hand-books on the ethnological history of the 

Mr. J. A. James was appointed a committee of one 
to draft appropriate resolutions upon the death of Mr. 


Charles W. Maim; and such resolutions were ordered 
spread upon the records and a copy thereof transmitted 
to the family of the deceased. 

Mr. Harlan, Chairman of the Committee on Nomi- 
nations, reported in favor of the election of the following 
persons: For President, Mr. Orin G. Libby; for Vice 
President, Mr. Benjamin F. Shambaugh; for Secretary- 
Treasurer, Mr. Clarence S. Paine; for additional mem- 
bers of the Executive Committee, Mr. Dunbar Eowland 
and Mr. Charles E. Brown. The report as submitted 
was adopted, and the officers named therein were declared 

The Secretary-Treasurer then presented an invita- 
tion from the city of Lincoln, Nebraska, to hold the next 
annual meeting of the Association at that city. Mr. 
Shambaugh presented an invitation from The State His- 
torical Society of Iowa; and a similar invitation was 
received from Des Moines through Mr. Harlan. The 
thanks of the Association were extended to the various 
municipalities, institutions, and societies extending such 
invitations, which were referred to the Executive Com- 
mittee with power. 

The President was authorized and empowered to 
appoint a committee of five or more members on historic 
sites. The regular program was then resumed. 

The first paper presented was The Significance of 
the British Attack on St. Louis, 1780, by Mr. James 
Alton James of Northwestern University. This was 
followed by an informal discussion on Did Coronado 
Reach the Missouri River or Enter the State of Missouri, 
by Mr. James Newton Baskett of Mexico, Missouri. On 
account of the desire of the members of the Association 
to visit Monks Mound, the paper by Mr. Eoland G. Usher 
of "Washington University on The Western Sanitary Com- 
mission was omitted, Mr. Usher not being present. Early 
Trade and Travel in the Lower Mississippi Valley was 


the subject of a paper presented by Mr. William 0. 
Scroggs of the Louisiana State University, after the 
reading of which the meeting adjourned. 


Whereas, The cause of education in the Middle West has 
suffered through the death of our esteemed friend, Charles W. 
Mann, Professor of History in Lewis Institute, the members of 
the Mississippi Valley Historical Association desire to place 
on record this notice of our loss and convey to his family our 


(June, 1909) 


(June, 1909) 

The first annual meeting of the Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association was held at Lake Minnetonka, 
Minnesota, on June 22 and 23, 1908. Members of the 
Association were present from eleven States. The first 
session was called to order at 9 :30 a. m. on June 22, by 
the Vice President, Mr. C. W. Alvord. The Explorations 
of Verendrye and his Sons was the subject of a paper 
presented by Mr. Warren Upham, Secretary of the Min- 
nesota Historical Society. The next paper was by 
Mr. Orin G. Libby, Professor of History, in the Uni- 
versity of North Dakota, on The Mandans from the 
Archaeological and Historical Standpoint, A paper on 
The British Board of Trade and the American Colonies 
was read by Mr. Oliver M. Dickerson, Professor of His- 
tory, in the Western State Normal School of Illinois. Mr. 
Albert Watkins of Lincoln, Nebraska, who was to have 
presented a paper on The Nebraska Country, was not 
present; and so this number was omitted from the pro- 

The second session, which was called to order at 
2:30 p. m. on June 22, was devoted to informal confer- 
ences. Owing to the unavoidable absence of Mr. Clar- 
ence M. Burton of Detroit, Michigan, the discussion on 
The Relation of State and Local Historical Societies was 
led by Mr. George W. Martin, Secretary of the Kansas 
State Historical Society. He was followed by Mr. Fran- 
cis A. Sampson of the State Historical Society of Mis- 
souri and Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber of the Illinois His- 
torical Library. The paper by the late Charles W. Mann 
of Chicago, on the subject of Cooperation among Histori- 


cal Agencies and Activities of the Mississippi Valley, was 
read by Mr. Doane Robinson, Secretary of the State His- 
torical Society of South Dakota. This paper was fol- 
lowed by a general discussion led by Mr. Orin G. Libby 
of the University of North Dakota and Mr. Edgar R. 
Harlan of the Historical Department of Iowa. 

At the third session on Monday evening, June 22, 
two papers were read; the first was on The Study and 
Writing of History in the Mississippi Valley, by Mr. 
Clarence W. Alvord of Urbana, Illinois, and the second 
was on Amana: The Home of the Community of True 
Inspiration, by Mr. Benjamin F. Shambaugh of Iowa 

The fourth session was opened with an informal 
address by Mr. Reuben G. Thwaites on The Story of 
Draper's Activities as a Collector. This was followed by 
a paper on The Diplomatic Correspondence of Augustus 
Caesar Dodge, presented by Mr. Louis Pelzer of Iowa 
City. Mr. Jonas Viles of Columbia, Missouri, who was 
to have presented a paper on Slavery as a Factor in Mis- 
souri History was unable to be present. A paper by Mr. 
Laurence M. Larson of Urbana, Illinois, on The Sec- 
tional Elements in the Early History of Milwaukee was 
read by Minnie P. Knotts of the Nebraska State Histori- 
cal Society. 

The fifth session, which was held on Tuesday after- 
noon, June 23, was devoted entirely to the business of the 
Association. The session was opened with the report of 
the Secretary-Treasurer, which showed that the first 
membership fee was received December 31, 1907, and 
that eighty members had been enrolled up to and includ- 
ing June 22, 1908. Seventeen States were represented 
on the membership roll. The Executive Committee had 
held but one meeting — on December 30, 1907, immediate- 
ly after the formal organization of the Association. The 
financial statement showed receipts of $80 from mem- 


bership fees, and expenditures for printing and postage 
of $76.69, leaving a balance of $3.31 in the treasury. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the business 
session a meeting of the newly elected Executive Com- 
mittee was held. At this meeting the President was 
authorized to proceed with the preparation of a program 
for the meeting to be held at Eichmond, Virginia, in 
December. Two sessions of the Executive Committee 
were held at Lake Minnetonka, Minnesota, on June 23, 
1908. The next meeting of the Executive Committee 
was on December 30, at Richmond, Virginia, and no 
meeting of the committee has been held since that time, 
although the members have kept in close touch by corre- 

The December meeting of the Association was held 
at Richmond, Virginia, in accordance with the constitu- 
tional provision that this meeting shall be held at the 
same time and place as the annual meeting of the Amer- 
ican Historical Association. This session was held on 
December 30, 1908, in the Hall of the House of Delegates, 
Capitol Building. There were presented a number of 
papers of importance to the study of the history of the 
Mississippi Valley. Mr. C. E. Carter, Instructor in 
Illinois College, Jacksonville, presented the first paper 
which was on Trade Conditions in Illinois 1765-1768. A 
paper on The North Carolina Cession of 1784 in its Fed- 
eral Aspects was read by Mr. St. George L. Sioussat, 
Professor of History in the University of the South, 
Sewanee, Tennessee. Mr. Harlow Lindley, Professor of 
History in Earlham College, Earlham, Indiana, followed 
with a paper on William Clark — the Indian Agent ; and 
Mr. F. H. Garver, Professor of History and Political 
Science in Morningside College, Sioux City, Iowa, told 
The Story of Sergeant Charles Floyd. 

The papers were of a very high order and the session 
an interesting and profitable one ; but owing to a mi sun- 


derstanding as to the place of meeting the attendance was 
not large. 

In planning for these meetings it has been the design 
to call together active workers from all the States and 
from the various institutions interested in the study or 
teaching of history in the Mississippi Valley, to discuss 
the problems of common interest, and to consider the 
different phases of the historical work that is being done 
in various parts of the territory. 

The growth of the Association has been marked and 
satisfactory, when it is considered that the officers have 
had little time to give to the work and that the only 
source of income is from the annual dues. There are now 
two hundred and ninety-three members, living in thirty- 
eight States and in Canada. Illinois leads with fifty-five. 
Nebraska has twenty-nine, while Iowa follows closely 
with twenty-six. These two hundred and ninety-three 
members represent sixty-five libraries, fifty-five colleges 
and universities, and thirty-nine historical societies and 
organizations for historical research. A large number 
of the members are teachers of history or librarians, while 
many others are professional or business men who have 
a lively interest in the history of the West. 

There is now due and remaining unpaid on mem- 
bership fees for 1908, $71. Twenty-four members have 
paid to July 1, 1910, and one has paid to 1912. The total 
receipts on membership fees for 1909 from members now 
enrolled should not be less than $251. We ought to be 
able to bring the total number of members up to 500 
before the next annual meeting, in which case the receipts 
would be sufficient to cover the expenses of the office and 
the printing of the Proceedings. The publication of the 
Proceedings will stimulate interest in the Association and 
will result in adding many new members to the roll. 

It has been well said that "Publication is the life of 
an Historical Association," and the great problem now 


confronting this organization is that of providing some 
means whereby the results of its work may be made 
known. At the last annual meeting your Secretary was 
authorized to secure the publication of the Proceedings, 
providing that no indebtedness was incurred in so doing. 
Arrangements were immediately made to finance this 
proposition and the first number of the Proceedings will 
be printed as soon as copy is received from the editor. 
It was realized, however, that the publication of the 
Proceedings would not answer every need, and the Execu- 
tive Committee was instructed to devise a plan for the 
publication of a Mississippi Valley series of Collections. 
The Executive Committee in turn referred this question 
to a sub-committee composed of the President, the Secre- 
tary-Treasurer, and Mr. Rowland. The members of this 
sub-committee have since had no opportunity for per- 
sonal conference, but they are agreed that the publication 
of a quarterly, as has been suggested, is not feasible. 
However, it is thought possible to devise some plan for 
the publication of an annual volume of Collections. 

The amount of material to be published on western 
history is generally underestimated. State and local 
societies are only doing enough to emphasize the need 
of united effort along this line. It is argued by some that 
this Association is too young to assume the responsibility 
involved in undertaking the publication of a series of 
Collections. There is, however, one consideration that 
outweighs this objection. An Association dies from 
inaction and grows strong by assuming reasonable re- 
sponsibilities. If this Association is going to amount to 
anything — and it is — it must take on responsibilities. 
The holding of annual or semi-annual meetings for the 
purpose of reading papers is not in itself a sufficient 
object for an Association. Important as are these meet- 
ings, they are not adequate to command and hold the 


attention and support of the leaders in thought and 

If this Association has a mission and undertakes 
boldly and aggressively the work that lies at hand it will 
have the confidence and patronage of those persons who 
would naturally be interested in its success. 

It is, therefore, recommended that there be created a 
board of publication, composed of one representative 
from each State in the Valley ; that it be the business of 
this board to raise a permanent publication fund suffi- 
cient to defray the entire expense of publishing one vol- 
ume, such volume to be furnished to members of the 
Association at cost, and sold to libraries and to indi- 
viduals at a price to be fixed by the board of publication. 
This board should have full authority in all matters per- 
taining to the publication of the Collections. Each mem- 
ber should be made responsible for the raising of his pro 
rata share of the publication fund. The proceeds of the 
sale of the first volume should be enough to cover the 
cost, and leave a small margin of profit. Indeed, if the 
business end is wisely handled it ought to be possible in 
time to reimburse the donors to the original fund. 

If the members of this publishing board should so 
elect, it is not only possible but probable that by their 
united efforts they could find an individual who would be 
willing to donate an amount ample to provide for this 
fund, the same to be named in honor of the donor. In- 
deed, it is believed that such an individual has already 
been found, but it has so far been considered unwise to 
accept money from this particular source. In any event, 
the former plan would be the better, and would create a 
more widespread interest in the undertaking. 

Another matter that might profitably engage the 
attention of the Association is that of inducing some in- 
terested person to encourage research work in western 
history by the offering of a prize under some such condi- 


tions as govern the Justin Winsor prize of the American 
Historical Association. 

Other propositions might be advanced, which would 
tend to stimulate interest in the work of the Association, 
but it will be better to proceed cautiously that no back- 
ward step need be taken. 

Respectfully submitted, 

C. S. Paine, Secretary-Treasurer 


Cash receipts from membership fees to July 1, 
1909, as per list attached and made part of 

this report $184.00 

Disbursements to July 1, 1909, as per vouchers at- 
tached and made part of this report : 

Printing and stationery $116.05 

Postage 66.00 

Clerical work 53.00 

Miscellaneous items 14.29 

Total disbursements $249.34 

Balance on hand June 25, 1908 .... $ 3.31 
Eeceipts during year 184.00 

Total receipts $187.31 

Total excess of expenditures over 

receipts $ 62.03 

Bespectfully submitted, 

C. S. Paine, Secretary-Treasurer 
The above is approved 
J. A. James \ 

J. H. Reynolds \ Auditing Committee 
Dan E. Clark ) 


(Richmond, Virginia, December 30, 1908) 

By Clarence E. Carter 

[In view of the fact that Ma*. Carter's paper on Trade Conditions in 
Illinois 1765-1768 will appear as one of the chapters of a monograph which, 
having been awarded the Justin Winsor Prize for 1908, will be published 
by the American Historical Association, it is omitted from this volume.] 


By St. George Leakin Sioussat 

(The writer desires to make acknowledgement of assistance received 
from the Carnegie Institution of Washington in the preparation of this 

This paper treats of a certain phase of the Westward 
Movement — the years after the American Revolution, 
when settlers were crossing from the coastal plain of the 
Atlantic into the valleys drained by the tributaries of the 
Great River. Of this movement a characteristic and im- 
portant expression appeared in the building of the Com- 
monwealth of Tennessee ; and in the evolution of Tennes- 
see to Statehood the incident which, perhaps, has attract- 
ed most attention was that experiment which bore the 
name of the State of Franklin. **>*)*> ^^ 

The history of Franklin has been the subject of 
much careful investigation. The events which took place 
under the leadership of John Sevier and his associates 
— the quarreling with the mother State of North Caro- 
lina, the Indian troubles, the relation of Franklin as a 
part of the Trans- Alleghany region to the foreign affairs 
of the United States, and especially the constitutional 


development of this transitory body politic — have been 
more or less exhaustively narrated in several well known 
works. 1 Bnt as to the circumstances that existed in 
North Carolina at the time of the Franklin movement, as 
to the economic relation of the new commonwealth to 
the parent State, and, again, as to the connection between 
these factors and the government of the United States 
under the Articles of Confederation, it has seemed, at 
least to the writer, that the older accounts were in some 
degree unsatisfactory. Hence he has attempted an exam- 
ination of the sources recently made available, particu- 
larly the later volumes of the North Carolina archives, 
and has embodied the results in the following pages. 

It will be advisable first to outline briefly the political 
and economic condition of North Carolina at the close of 
the Revolutionary War; second, to sketch the procedure 
of the government of the United States under the Arti- 
cles in relation to certain important governmental meas- 
ures ; and third, to discuss at greater length the relations 
between the States and the Confederation as to these same 
measures. In this way we shall be led to the economic 
foundations of Franklin and the politics, State and Fed- 
eral, which lay behind the acts of 1784 by which North 
Carolina first ceded to the United States her western 
territory and then withdrew her cession. 

The work which the British had failed to do in their 
blows at the center had been attempted again in the 
southern provinces, with expectations of greater success. 
The reasons which had led to the transfer of the theatre 

i Haywood's The Civil and Political History of Tennessee (Eeprint 
of .1891), Ch. 6; Kamsey's The Annals of Tennessee, Chs. 4, 5; Phelan's 
History of Tennessee, Chs. 9-12; Koosevelt's The Winning of the West, Part 
IV, Ch. 4; Turner's Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era, in 
The American Historical Review, Vol. I, pp. 70-87, 251-269; Alden's The 
State of Franklin, in The American Historical Review, Vol. VIII, pp. 
271-289; and Caldwell's Studies in the Constitutional History of Tennessee 
(Second edition, 1907), Ch. 3. 


of war were apparently justified in the taking of the 
southern coast-towns and in the bitter civil war which 
the presence of so many loyalists aroused. When hos- 
tilities were concluded, it was a broken South that re- 
mained. The foundation of the social order had been 
shaken by the withdrawal of many who had chosen the 
wrong side. There was much lawlessness and violence; 
the Indians were a source of anxiety; and above all was 
the burden of public debt which hung oppressively over 
a scattered and predominantly rural population. This 
was especially illustrated in North Carolina. Notwith- 
standing some attempts at taxation, throughout the pe- 
riod of warfare the State depended chiefly on issues of 
paper money which ran through a fearful and rapid 
course of depreciation, the story of which has been told 
in detail, if somewhat unsympathetically, by Professor 
Bullock. 2 But in addition to financial disaster other evils 
rapidly developed. McEee, in his Life of Iredell 3 com- 
ments upon the violence of the partisan politics that 
marked the return of peace, attributing the heat of this 
partisanship to the reappearance of the men of thought 
who had so long been eclipsed by the men of action. Many 
Tories came back to gather what they could of their 
broken fortunes, ruined not only by war but by excessively 
confiscatory legislation. Litigation thus stirred up fos- 
tered cupidity and avarice; and speculation, especially 
in lands, ran riot. 4 As to the government, a picture in 
miniature is given in 1783 when the executive in the per- 
son of Governor Martin sharply lectured the Assembly 
and commenting on the hurried legislation that had been 
passed, said: "I need scarce mention that a general 
reform is wanting in almost all the offices of State at this 

2 Bullock 's Essays on the Monetary History of the United States, 
pp. 184-204. 

3 McEee 's Life and Correspondence of James Iredell, Vol. II, p. 81. 
4 McRee's Life and Correspondence of James Iredell, Vol. II, p. 81. 


crisis. Neglect of duty, abuse of power, disobedience of 
laws, your monies unaccounted for, and public credit 
almost sunk, all call for your authority and correction. ' ' 5 

From this rather depressing picture of the internal 
affairs of North Carolina let us now turn to the govern- 
ment of the United States under the Articles of Confed- 
eration, in the years from 1781 to 1784. That govern- 
ment, if not outwardly divided or confused, was sufficient- 
ly ineffective; and of all manifestations of this, the lack 
of financial control was the most evident. Of the efforts 
of Morris and Hamilton to remedy the loss of credit 
which threatened to vitiate if not entirely to wreck the 
work of the Revolution all our histories of the period 
are full. Very closely related to this was that which 
President Welling in a suggestive though incomplete 
study called "The States '-Eights Conflict over the Pub- 
lic Lands. ' ' 6 Out of the many ramifications of these 
two questions, some, such as those of international inter- 
est, must be omitted, and we shall take up only those 
essential to the purpose in hand. These may be outlined 
as follows : — 

First, apart from the issue of paper money and the 
negotiation of loans, the provisions of the Articles of 
Confederation permitted Congress to obtain a Federal 
revenue from the country at large only by ' ' requisitions ' ' 
upon the States, by which the States were asked to pay 
their respective quotas of the expenses of the common 
government. But it developed that this provision was 
a failure because the basis of apportionment established by 
the eighth article of the Articles of Confederation proved 
unworkable. That article, adopted only after a prolonged 
debate, 7 provided that the States should pay "in propor- 

5 Clark's State Becords of North Carolina, Vol. XIX, p. 243. 

« Papers of the American Historical Association, Vol. Ill, pp. 411-432. 

7 The article was adopted October 14, 1777, in the form of an amend- 
ment to article 9 as originally draughted. — Ford 's Journals of the Con- 
tinental Congress, Vol. IX, pp. 801, 802. The earlier proposal was td rate 


tion to the value of all land within each State granted to 
or surveyed for any person, as such land, and the build- 
ings and improvements thereon, should be estimated ac- 
cording to such mode as the United States in Congress 
assembled should establish." 

The Journals and the Madison Papers reveal an ir- 
reconcilable difference as to the "mode" which should 
be adopted. Not all land claimed by a State was ratable 
in assessing the State, but only that granted to or sur- 
veyed for any person. This was a vague provision, which 
in 1777 seemed to bear with greater severity on the more 
densely populated States of the East. It is not surpris- 
ing that, when the article was adopted, it was by the solid 
vote of the southern States and New Jersey, while all the 
New England delegates voted no and New York and 
Pennsylvania were divided. 8 In view of the difficulties 
which the article presented, Congress early in 1783 " re- 
quired' ' an assessment of the value of lands; but differ- 
ence of opinion as to whether the inquest should be 
conducted by the Confederation government or left to 
the States resulted in a resolution which was not effec- 
tive. 9 In this connection, quaintly observes Madison, 
"Mr. Dyer ludicrously proposed that each of the States 
shall cheat equally. ' ' 10 

The next proposal in logical order was, therefore, 
directed to the amendment of Article 8 ; and it was at 

the States by the gross population. As to the debate over these two plans, 
see Randolph's Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers 
of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. I, pp. 22-25. 

s Ford's Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. IX, pp. 801-802. 

9 February 17, 1783. — Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edi- 
tion), Vol. IV, pp. 157-158, 161-164. For the debates on the valuation of 
lands see Madison's Debates in the Congress of the Confederation from 
November 14, 1782, to February 13, 1783, in Elliot's Debates, Vol. V, pp. 
21-22, 24-25, 43, 48-51. See also a letter of N. Folsom cited in Ford's 
Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. IX, p. 947, note 2; and the 
letter of Hugh Williamson cited below, p. 44. 

io Elliot's Debates, Vol. V, p. 44, note. 


length resolved by Congress that population, rather than 
lands, should be made the basis of apportionment. There 
was great difficulty in reaching agreement on this point 
because of the uncertainty as to how far the slaves should 
be counted a part of the population. The final com- 
promise was the famous rule that three-fifths should be 
counted for the purpose of assessing the State. 11 

A third related matter of long standing and much 
debated in Congress concerned the granting to Congress 
of some power to levy and collect taxes. With this effort 
is inseparably connected the name of Eobert Morris. 
The first plan of direct importance, that of a five per 
cent impost, failed after many months of debate through 
the unalterable opposition of Ehode Island. 12 It was 
then proposed, and the idea was adopted in Congress, 
that for twenty-five years Congress should be authorized 
to levy specific duties on certain articles with ^.ve per 
cent duties on others. 13 In either form the impost would 
constitute, of course, indirect taxation, and much argu- 
ment was used to show the shifting of such taxes. 

But in the financial history of these years too much 
stress has been laid on these indirect taxes to the neglect 
of another source of revenue which Morris had repeatedly 

11 April 18, 1783. — Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), 
Vol. IV, p. 191. Rhode Island alone voted in the negative. New York 
was divided. It should be noted that at this stage there was no question 
of representation involved, as there had been when the article was originally 
adopted and as there was in the Constitutional Convention in 1787. Con- 
sequently it was to the interest of the slave-holding States to have as few 
negroes counted as possible. 

12 Bancroft's History of the United States of America (Edition of 
1887), Vol. VI, pp. 33-34; and Bates's Bhode Island and the Impost of 
1781, in the Report of the American Historical Association for 1894, pp. 
351-359. Rhode Island's formal refusal was dated November 1, 1782. 
Congress decided to send commissioners to persuade Rhode Island, but 
before they had fairly started, news was received that Virginia, under the 
influence of R. H. Lee, had withdrawn its assent to the impost. 

is This was also adopted April 18, 1783. — Journals of Congress 
(Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, p. 190. 


proposed and which was the link connecting taxation with 
the land. 

In the resolutions debated and adopted in the spring 
of 1783 there was added to the proposal of indirect taxa- 
tion mentioned above the suggestion that other revenues 
of such nature as the States might judge most conven- 
ient should be provided by the States for supplying 
their respective proportions of a sum of a million and a 
half dollars of annual interest. 14 These somewhat myster- 
ious "revenues of such nature as they may judge most 
convenient" are not further specified in the resolutions 
passed April 18, 1783; nor is the "Address of Congress" 
recorded in the Journals under date of April 24th much 
clearer as to the nature of the "supplementary funds' ' 
to which it refers. 15 But, as in so many cases, the omitted 
explanation is of great importance. For some years 
Morris had been urging the granting of taxes upon polls 
and upon lands — that is, direct taxes — as well as an 
excise or internal tax upon spirits. Over these taxes and 
their incidence there was considerable correspondence 
and debate ; 16 and these are the funds to which the docu- 
ment quoted above refers. 

The political significance of these financial measures 
is to be clearly noted. They had been conceived and 
urged as a balance to the customs duty, in the knowledge 
that the commercial States felt that customs duties fell 
with proximate severity upon themselves, notwithstand- 
ing theories of diffusion that might be advanced. Hardly 
any better illustration of the real existence of this feeling 
can be cited than a letter which Howell of Khode Island 

14 April 18, 1783. — Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), 
Vol. IV, p. 190. 

15 Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, pp. 

16 Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, pp. 
198-201; and Wharton's Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revo- 
lution, Vol. V, p. 619 ff.; Vol. VI, p. 280 ff. 


wrote to the Deputy Governor of the State on the last 
day of May, 1784, in which he criticised the recent act of 
Pennsylvania as to the impost which he characterized as 
" complete ' ' in respect to that tax, but "very deficient on 
the supplementary funds,' ' and indicated that Pennsyl- 
vania did not intend to comply with the whole plan. An- 
other act which he transmitted was that of South Caro- 
lina, which was also in regard to the recommendations 
of April 18, 1783. This was the eighth act of this sort, ; 
nothing having yet been heard from North Carolina, 
Georgia, New York, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. But* \ 
only two or three States had passed any acts respecting 
the "supplementary funds''. Howell urged that these 
were essential to the general plans and had been so recog- 
nized by the resolution of Congress which said "That! 
none of the preceding resolutions shall take effect until! 
all of them shall be acceded to by every State". 

"I find", continued Howell, "that the supplementary 
funds are very unpopular this way. The lords of exten- 
sive soil are more ready to mortgage to Congress a twen- 
tieth part of what enters their ports than a hundredth 
part of what goes off from their plantations. But will! 
the commercial states suffer the impost to be carried 
into effect before the supplementary funds are granted? 
.... The very unequal operation of such a partial ar- 
rangement must be obvious". 

Howell then entered into a discussion of the relation : 
of these two forms of taxation to the foreign and to the 
domestic debt, showing how this matter would seriously ? 
affect Rhode Island. After a comment on the action of ■ 
Congress as to the western lands he added before closing ; 
that there was good news from North Carolina which had ij 
just made a cession to Congress. Georgia had not done | 
so and was rumored to be in the throes of land-jobbing. 17 1 

The Rhode Islanders, then, who went down to the sea | 

17 Staples 's Bhode Island in the Continental Congress, p. 515. 


; j in ships, would have none of a customs duty unless land 
ij || taxes were forthcoming from the landed States. We 
i| shall see in a moment the bearing of this upon a landed 
i i State — North Carolina. 

The last of the Federal measures of which we have 
• here to take account was perhaps the oldest of all. This 
!,' was the insistence on the part of the "landless" States 
i that States claiming western territory should cede such 
territory to the United States for the common good. The 
story is familiar. The importance of the matter is per- 
haps even now hardly appreciated. The State whose 
4 cession was of chief importance was, of course, the State 
J of Virginia, whose claims were imperial in their extent. 
i We shall not here trace the earlier phases of the question; 
ill but remembering Maryland's refusal to adopt the Arti- 
I cles, the resolutions of Congress of 1780 on the subject 
of western cessions, and Virginia's promise of January 
rj I 2, 1781, we may proceed at once to the spring of 1783 
ij when with the other measures which we have now dis- 
c cussed this also found a place in the resolutions of April 
tj 18th already referred to. In regard to all these meas- 
ijj hires — the alteration of the eighth article of the Articles 
J of Confederation, the granting by the States of supple- 
dj mentary funds, and the pressure on the States to secure 
irj cessions of western lands — the attitude of North Caro- 
I lina is of interest. 

i In the spring and summer of 1782 there was a period 

kl when North Carolina was not represented in Congress. 
il\|[[n July, however, Hugh Williamson and William Blount 
of appeared as Delegates. Later came Nash, Hawkins, and 
off Spaight. There was considerable shifting, and by the 
alpme of adjournment in the summer of 1784 Williamson 
Bipnd Spaight were the only delegates in attendance. 18 
;,f [Williamson then left Spaight to serve on the Committee 

is Williamson came July 19, 1782, Blount, July 22. — Journals of 
Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, pp. 50-51. 

5 I 


of the States, which sat during that adjournment, and 
returned to North Carolina. 

Following the order already established we shall 
consider first the amendment of Article 8 — that which 
proposed to substitute population for lands as the basis 
for apportionment. On October 22, 1782, while the de- 
bate was at its height, Williamson and Blount wrote from 
Philadelphia to Governor Martin of North Carolina a 
long letter in which they discussed the matters then 
before Congress. They pointed out that the full effect 
of the original provision as to the apportionment, that is 
' ' land granted or surveyed with improvements ' ' had been I 
" avoided' ' (as they expressed it) on the ground that 
the enemy was in possession. 19 In other words, only I 
those lands had been counted which were free from Brit- 1 
ish occupation. To this interpretation North Carolina 
should hold fast. But, they said, when the western 
lands should be included (peace was now in sight), the 
situation would not be so favorable, for these western 
lands would produce little revenue but would increase to 
nearly double North Carolina's quota of the national 
debt. Every State would be charged with its located 
lands, and as land jobbers were not a very popular set of 
men in any country and as the lands would probably be 
valued by indifferent (that is, impartial) people, North 
Carolina could be assured that the western lands which 
were located but not improved would be rated at their 
full value. 20 From this they proceeded to broach the 
subject of a cession by North Carolina. But to this point 
we shall return below. Next year (1783) the North 
Carolina delegates voted for the amendment to Article 
8 in its modified form, which substituted population as| 
the basis of apportionment. 21 

is Compare Madison 's note on the attitude of the Connecticut dele- 
gates. — Elliot's Debates, Vol. V, p. 21. 

20 Clark's State Eecords of North Carolina, Vol. XVI, p. 434 ff. 
2i Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, p. 191. 


Next comes the matter of the supplementary funds. 
In 1782, Robert Morris wrote to the Governor of North 
Carolina, as to the other Governors, about his proposed 
Federal revenues, and stressed especially the project of 
a specific tax on land, measured by the one hundred 
acres without regard to value. Morris argued at length 
to show what a light and equitable tax this would be. 
Meanwhile the matter came up in Congress; and in the 
same letter to which we have already referred Williamson 
and Blount gave their opinion of the scheme. This was 
distinctly unfavorable. They thought such a tax "in- 
sufferably unequal." The vast tracts of sandy barren 
in North Carolina could never be measured with the 
same scale as the uniformly fertile lands in some of the 
northern States. In this case they seem to have looked 
at this Federal tax as highly oppressive to a State which 

j jhad large amounts of land which could so be taxed. It is 

i obvious that North Carolina, for example, would pay a 

much larger tax than Rhode Island or Massachusetts. 22 

From this they passed to the third of our questions, 

i the cession of North Carolina's western lands. After 
some reflections on the extent of this territory they pro- 

: ceeded to lay down the following definite conditions 

b [which in case a cession should be made, they urged upon 

i (the North Carolina Assembly: — 

I. The whole expense of North Carolina's Indian 

ii expeditions should pass to her account in the quota of 

1 Continental expenses. 

!- ' II. The actual valuation of all lands and improve- 

t' jments claimed in any State before the cession should be 

III. The sundry accounts of North Carolina's offi- 
pers should be liquidated and the claims of the State 

22 But as to the impost, North Carolina's jealousy of Virginia, her 

fiore powerful commercial neighbor, led her to look with favor upon Federal 
ontroL — See Madison's estimate, Elliot's Debates, Vol. V, p. 60, note. 


established, so that quotas might be fixed of the debt con- 
tracted or to be contracted. 

IV. The lands so ceded should be disposed of to 
the best advantage by the consent of at least nine States 
for payment of the public debts. 

V. If any separate State should be erected on any 
of those lands, part of the public debt should be trans- 
ferred to such State according to the value of the land 
it contained. 23 

It is evident that in the minds of those who repre- 
sented North Carolina's interests at the seat of govern- 
ment financial considerations were uppermost; the State 
should use its lands as a means to procure credit for all 
its expenditures and thereby reduce its indebtedness. 
This was to be the keynote of North Carolina's policy; 
and even if a separate State should be erected on the land 
ceded, it should be made to bear its due share of the 
Revolutionary debt. How this share was to be deter- 
mined was definitely stated : it was to be on the basis of 
land value, not on that of population. But such a finan- 
cial adjustment as this was subject to an additional com- 
plication which we have thus far omitted from consider- 
ation, and which must form the connecting link with the 
story of the cession. 

The North Carolina delegates were prepared to rec- 
ommend the cession of the western lands. But how much 
had North Carolina to give? To think of that State as I 
surrendering a shadowy claim to distant western territory 
would be a serious error, for not only had settlement 
crossed the mountains but the State had undertaken to 
grant titles to land in the transmontane region. These 
appropriations of land had likewise a financial basis. 

In 1783 the State was, indeed, heavily in debt to the 
Confederation, but the most pressing obligation had 
been to her own soldiers. Already in 1777 the specula- 

23 Clark 'a State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVI, p. 434 ff. 


tive fever of the new era had led to the opening of county 
land offices 24 in which within the three years that they 
were open vast amounts of land had been entered. While 
these offices were later closed, 25 land had been given as 
early as 1780 as an additional bounty to induce service 
in the war. In that year the State had created a military 
reservation to be used specifically for satisfying military 
land warrants, and two hundred acres of land and one 
prime slave were offered to each soldier in addition to 
his annual pay. 26 This was raised later to six hundred 
and forty acres. 27 In the year 1782 an extensive act was 
passed and in this act the terms of payment by which the 
soldiers of the North Carolina Line should receive their 
lands were restated. 28 During the following year, 1783, 
another reservation was made for these military lands ; 29 
and at the same session all the lands of the State of North 
Carolina, with the exception of this territory reserved to 
the soldiers and that which was kept for the Indians were 
made subject to entry at ten pounds for every one hun- 
dred acres in North Carolina paper money. 30 Thus the 
public lands were used both to pay the soldiers of the 
State and to restore the credit of her paper currency. 

The result of this land legislation of North Carolina 
was that when 1784 was reached the best of the western 

24 Act of November Session, 1777. — Clark 's State Records of North 
Carolina, Vol. XXIV, pp. 43-48. 

25 Act of June Session, 1781. — Clark 's State Records of North Car- 
olina, Vol. XXIV, p. 400. 

26 Act of April Session, 1780. — Clark 's State Records of North Car- 
olina, Vol. XXIV, pp. 337-339. 

27 Act of January Session, 1781. — Clark's State Records of North 
Carolina, Vol. XXIV, pp. 367-373. 

28 Acts of 1782. — Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. 
XXIV, pp. 419-422. 

29 Act of 1783. — Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. 
XXIV, pp. 482-485. 

30 Act of 1783. — Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. 
IXXIV, pp. 478-482. 


lands had been picked out and hundreds of thousands 
of acres entered by speculators. There is, therefore, 
little cause for wonder that Governor Martin, writing 
from North Carolina to the delegates in Congress, De- 
cember 8, 1783, expressed the fear that Congress might 
be dissatisfied with the opening of a land office by North 
Carolina as the State made them (the Congress) no 
cession of any part of the western land. He summarized 
the land legislation of the North Carolina Assembly at 
its recent meeting and added that if the chartered bounds 
of the State had extended west and north of the Ohio, 
North Carolina would have been more liberal, but that 
the State could not think of parting with any lands this 
side of the Mississippi until her own internal debt was 
paid. 31 

With the winter of 1784, then, there seemed to be 
every probability that North Carolina would remain shut 
up within the walls of State Sovereignty. But while 
North Carolina was disposing of her lands, Virginia, 
having provided in the Kentucky region for her soldiers, 
was preparing to surrender her claim to the Northwest. 
At the end of the winter, on March 4th, the Virginia 
delegates completed the deed of cession which had been 
authorized by the act of the Virginia legislature in the 
preceding autumn. 32 

January, meanwhile, had witnessed at Annapolis 
Washington's resignation of his commission, 33 and the 
end of the year saw the labors of the former Commander- 
in-Chief devoted to the western country. Jefferson and 
Madison were likewise busy in the interim with the prob- 
lem of organization, both looking toward an increase in 
the effectiveness of the general government. 34 "We 

3i Clark 's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVI, p. 919. 

32 Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, p. 344. 

33 Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, p. 318. 

34 Bancroft's History of the United States of America (Edition of 
1887), Vol. VI, Part II, Chs. 2, 3. 


hope", wrote Jefferson to Madison, "that North Caro- 
lina will cede all beyond the same meridian" — the meri- 
dian of the month of the Kanawha. 35 For the govern- 
ment of the territory he prepared a plan in the shape of 
the ordinance which was adopted April 23d, while his 
scheme for disposing of the land was postponed. In 
addition to the cession, Virginia accepted other recom- 
mendations of Congress. She gave Congress the power 
to regulate commerce and adopted the change in the 
eighth of the Articles of Confederation. 36 On April 29th, 
after some debate, Congress voted to press again the 
States which had not ceded their land claims, in an effort 
to make these cessions complete. 37 

Before this last recommendation of the Congress of 
the Confederation, the North Carolina Congress had 
met. 38 At that time Governor Martin had received from 
Spaight a letter, dated February 24th, in which Spaight 
gave his approval to the suggestions of the Congress of 
April 18, 1783, as affording the best means of paying 
North Carolina's quota of the debt. 39 Williamson also 
had written of the Virginia cession. 40 Martin's message 
of April 20th repeated to the legislature the proposals 
of Congress. 41 On May 3rd a joint committee recom- 
mended, among other things, the adoption of the change 
in Article 8, the grant to Congress of the impost duty, the 
establishment through taxation of a fund for the prin- 

ss Bancroft 's History of the United States of America (Edition of 
1887), Vol. VI, Part II, p. 116. 

36 Bancroft's History of the United States of America (Edition of 
1887), Vol. VI, Part II, p. 122. 

37 Journals of Congress (Way and Gideon edition), Vol. IV, p. 392. 

38 April 19, 1784. — Clark 'a State Records of North Carolina, Vol. 
XIX, p. 489. 

39 Written from Annapolis. — Clark 's State Records of North Caro- 
lina, Vol. XVII, pp. 21-28. 

40 Clark '■ State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, pp. 34-39. 
4i Clark 's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XIX, pp. 495-497. 

42 Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XIX, pp. 542-545. 

43 Acts of April Session, 1784. — Clark's State Records of North Car- 
olina, Vol. XXIV, pp. 547-549, 557-559, 561-563, 564-565. Another act au- 
thorized Congress to regulate the commerce of the States; and still another 
permitted Congress, in the final settlement of financial matters, to waive the 
provisions of Article 8. — See Clark 's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. 
XXIV, p. 561. 


cipal and interest of the debt, and the cession of the 
western lands of North Carolina. 42 

Each one of these recommendations was duly passed 
into a law. 43 The example of Virginia and the recom- 
mendations of the North Carolina delegates had for the 
time won over a majority of the North Carolina legisla- 
tors to the broader national outlook and the disposition 
to increase the power of the Confederation government. 
Of the measures passed, the Act of Cession has chief 
interest for us. In the older collections of laws the full 
text of this important statute was omitted, but now the j 
State Records of North Carolina happily render the whole 
of the law accessible. 

The preamble referred to the resolutions of the Con- 
gress of the United States, passed September 6th and 
October 10, 1780, and that of April 18, 1783, in which 
the States were urged to cede their western territory i ' as 
a further means of extinguishing the debt and estab- 
lishing the harmony of the United States". Concurring 
in this spirit North Carolina, therefore, ceded to the 
Congress of the United States, "for the said States", 
the title, etc., which she had to the lands west of the 
Alleghany Mountains. 

Omitting matters of boundary let us pass to the 
terms which by the Act of Cession were definitely stated 
as conditions of the grant. 

1. After the Cession should be accepted, neither the lands 
nor the inhabitants of the territory west of the boundary line 
should be estimated in the ascertaining of North Carolina's pro- 
portion with the United States in the expenses of the late war. 


2. The lands provided by North. Carolina laws for the 
officers and soldiers should inure to the use and benefit of those 
officers. Detailed provisions were enacted, permitting the re- 
moval of locations to vacant lands, in cases where there was a 
conflict of claims. The reservations to the Indians were to be 
respected and continued. 

3. All the lands ceded to the United States should be con- 
sidered as a common fund for the use and benefit of such of the 
United American States as then were or should become members 
of the Confederation or Federal Alliance of the said States, 
North Carolina inclusive. 

4. The ceded territory should be laid out or formed into 
a State or States which should be "a distinct republican state 
or states and admitted members of the Federal union having the 
same right of sovereignty as other states". Such states 
should be permitted the same constitution and bill of rights 
which were now established in North Carolina subject to proper 
alterations not inconsistent with the Confederation of the United 
States. " Provided always, that no regulations made or to be 
made by Congress shall tend to emancipate slaves otherwise 
than shall be directed by the Assembly or Legislature of such 
State or States." 

5. If Congress should not accept the lands thus ceded and 
give due notice within twelve months, the Act should be of no 
force and the lands should revert to the States. 44 

These nationalizing measures and particularly the 
Act of Cession did not pass without a struggle. This 
act was passed in the House by a vote of fifty-two to 
forty-three; a resolution to defer it to another session 
had previously been lost only by a single vote. 45 A sup- 
plementary act was passed, also, which declared that the 
sovereignty and jurisdiction of North Carolina with re- 

** Act of April Session, 1784. — Clark 's State Records of North Car- 
®\\olina, Vol. XXIV, pp. 561-563. The text as printed says distinctly twelve 
months. Haywood wrote ' ' two years ' ', and the error has been followed by 
'J jail subsequent historians. 

« Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XIX, pp. 642-643. 


gard to the ceded territory should continue until Con- 
gress should accept the cession. 46 

On the third reading of the Act of Cession a protest 
was filed by William R. Davie and several others, which 
is of great interest as one of the rare expressions of the 
opinion of those opposed to the relinquishment of the 
western lands. Davie and his associates based their 
dissent on the following grounds. The extent of North 
Carolina's territory as bounded by the Treaty of Peace 
could never endanger the general Confederacy. The 
cession of so large a portion of the State, while Virginia 
and Georgia would retain an immense territory, would 
be dangerous and impolitic. Moreover, this State from 
her local circumstances and the weakness of the two 
southern States was obliged to advance for their aid and 
defense large sums which were still unliquidated, and 
as North Carolina's credits for those advances had been 
uniformly opposed by the eastern States it should have 
been expressly stipulated that the whole expense of the 
Indian expedition and militia aids to Georgia and South 
Carolina should pass to North Carolina's account in con- 
nection with the continental expenses. Again, the re- 
solves of Congress of February 17th or of April 18, 1783, 
with reference to the just proportion of the Federal debt 
should first have been carried into effect and these ac- 
counts liquidated. The western territory had been con- 
sidered by the people and solemnly pledged by the legis- 
lature as security for their claims against the public. 
Experience had shown that the State's want of public 
honesty had been already severely punished by her want 
of public credit, and they deemed it a false and mistaken 
conception that her credit would be increased with for- 
eign nations by an open and palpable breach of faith toj 
her own citizens. Justice and policy required that thej 

"Act of April Session, 1784. — Clark's State Records of North Car- 
olina, Vol. XXIV, pp. 563-564. 


domestic debt should be settled first. This point they 
expanded, explaining the difference between the domestic 
debt and the loan. Loans were made by those who spare 
from their consumption to the necessity of government; 
but a large part of the domestic debt grew out of the 
generous advances of individuals to the public in the 
hour of distress. Suspension of payment must prove 
ruinous to those patriotic sufferers and a disgrace to the 
State. Again, the auditors had left many claims unad- 
justed. As the cession disregarded these, they " could 
never consent that the public faith should be violated and 
the general interest sacrificed to the aggrandizement of 
a few land jobbers who have preyed on the depreciated 
credit of their country and the necessities of the unfor- 
tunate citizens". Lastly, they raised the point of con- 
stitutionality, declaring that by the Bill of Eights, the 
limits of the State were not to be altered "but for the 
purpose of erecting a new government only". 47 

This strong remonstrance of Davie's was dated June 
3rd, the last day of the session. The Governor at once 
notified the North Carolina delegates of the measures 
which had passed, expressing again doubt as to the ac- 
ceptability of the terms of the cession. 48 Only a little 
more than a month later the Governor received a letter 
from Williamson, written on July 5, 1784, just after the 
adjournment of Congress and his return to North Caro- 
lina. Williamson criticised the eastern members for be- 
ing in such haste that they would take no measures for 
making peace with the southern Indians ; nor would they 
admit the authority of Congress to raise troops in time 
of peace for any purpose. 

Williamson said that he had not seen the North Car- 
olina Act of Cession, but he expressed surprise that no 

±7 House Journal, 1784 (April Session), June 3. — Clark's State Rec- 
ords of North Carolina, Vol. XIX, pp. 712-714. 

48 Clark's State Becords of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, pp. 78-80. 


provision was made for passing the Indian expeditions to 
the credit of the State in account with the United States. 
He presumed that the legislature when it reconsidered 
the matter would suspend the Cession. He called Mar- 
tin's attention to the extraordinary claims advanced by 
the eastern States : Massachusetts had advanced a claim 
for recompense for her privateering Penobscot expedi- 
tion; Connecticut for defending Greenwich, Groton, New 
London, and New Haven; and Massachusetts for extra 
bounties. North Carolina should do likewise. 49 

Somewhat over two months later Williamson re- 
peated this advice in a letter to the Governor written 
from Edenton, September 30, 1784. This long letter is, 
in effect, a report to the Governor of the Federal politics 
of the last session from the standpoint of a southern 
State. It is a state paper of the highest value. The 
spirit of the letter is one which looks favorably upon the 
authority of Congress, but regards with jealousy the 
attempts of States in other sections, especially in New 
England, to secure for themselves advantages in their 
relations to the government of the Confederation and to 
the other States. 

Williamson begins his communication by presenting 
a new Federal question which we have not included in 
those discussed above. This concerned the purchase 
from the Indians of the lands ceded to Congress by New 
York and Virginia and, more particularly, the raising 

49 Clark 's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, p. 81 ff . Of 
equal interest is Williamson's further comment on the plan for laying out 
and settling the western territory, which had not been agreed to in Con- 
gress, but which had been published in the journals for general considera- 
tion during the recess. "This being our sheet anchor", said Williamson, 
'"is to be carefully managed. I think the plan proposed will prevent in- 
numerable frauds and enable us to save millions. The general object is 
to oblige the surveyors to account for the land by parallels, dots, and 
meridians. However, as I happen to have suggested the plan to the com- 
mittee, it is more than probable that I have parental prejudice in its 
favor. ' ' 


of a military force necessary either to hold an advanta- 
geous treaty or to keep the Indians in check. But to the 
right of Congress to make requisitions of troops in times 
of peace some of the States would not assent; hence the 
Congress had been compelled to resort to the poor ex- 
pedient of calling on certain States for militia. "The 
inefficacy and expense of this measure ' ', said Williamson, 
"may probably give rise to better ones". 

He next passed to an even more important matter. 
This concerned the claims advanced by Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire and Connecticut with reference to 
the redemption of the old Continental money, to bounties 
for recruiting the Continental line, and to the amount 
of service rendered by these States. Williamson raised 
the question, Had Massachusetts done more than her quota 
or had North Carolina done less than her quota of mili- 
tary service ? At present, he declared, he was not fur- 
nished with materials by which he could answer those 
questions. Continuing, he said that "the personal ser- 
vice to be performed by the citizens of any State was to 
have been according to the number of its white inhabi- 
tants. And no account can be procured of the number 
of our inhabitants. Early in the Eevolution our dele- 
gates for obvious reasons stated the number of our militia 
at 40,000, but the motives to such large statements have 
long since vanished and it is our duty and interest to 
be more correct." If as has been done in some States 
the population was counted as equivalent to five inhabi- 
tants for every man on the militia rolls it would be neces- 
sary to get from the brigadiers in North Carolina the 
musters of 1782 and thus compute the population. In 
such a return it would hardly be fair to include the set- 
tlers in the new counties over the mountains who were 
not there during the war, nor would any list taken the 
present year be so perfectly unexceptionable. Having 
ascertained the number of the militia it would perhaps 


be found that near the beginning of the war North Caro- 
lina raised too great a proportion of Continental troops, 
and with the vast bodies of militia who did duty towards 
the end of the war chargeable to Continental account, 
probably North Carolina would not appear to have been 
deficient; if so, she would hardly object to the Massachu- 
setts claim provided she could obtain a similar credit. 
It would be necessary to know the different " tours of 
duty", the number of men, the length of their service, 
and at whose instance they were called out. This last 
point was specially important as many would not be 
chargeable to the accounts of the United States. Some 
of the northern States, he said, had been much more care- 
ful as to securing the proper Federal authority. 

But it would be very difficult to obtain an act to 
recognize claims for all militia service. Nine States 
would have to agree to such a measure. New Hampshire 
and Pennsylvania had already obtained full credit. 
Ehode Island, Delaware, and Maryland likewise would 
probably object to admitting any new charges by which 
their quota of the debt would be increased and nothing 
added to their own credit. In view of these difficulties 
Williamson said that he must refer to the Act of Cession 
passed by the last General Assembly. He was quite 
willing to believe that both those who supported and 
those who opposed that measure were eager for the honor 
of the State and the strength of the Union and only 
differed concerning the best means. However, some very 
unexpected incidents had presented themselves since the 
last spring, which must affect North Carolina's finances 
greatly and alter the policy of the State. First, Con- 
gress had adjourned so hurriedly that they could not 
obtain a vote for commissioners to treat of peace with 
the southern Indians. Should an Indian war break out, 
the western inhabitants of North Carolina would be 
among the chief sufferers. Second, Massachusetts and 


Connecticut had advanced new claims to western territory 
in New York and westward of Pennsylvania respectively. 
Third, Ehode Island was said once more to have rejected 
the five per cent impost. Over the evil effects of this 
last, Williamson proceeded to dilate, emphasizing the 
danger which North Carolina wonld incur from the enact- 
ment of State customs tariffs by Virginia and South Car- 
olina, her commercial neighbors. 

Fourth, continued Williamson, Georgia which had 
rendered very little service during the war obtained a 
very extensive territory by the manner in which bound- 
aries had been settled at the Peace. She might yield to 
the United States at least sixty-three millions of acres 
after retaining for herself an extent of three hundred 
miles from the sea. North Carolina's share of such a 
cession, if Georgia would make it, would be equal to the 
greater part of that which remained for North Carolina 
to give. 

Fifth, Williamson brought forward the matter of 
the Indian expedition undertaken by North Carolina. 
He reminded the Governor that in 1782 the delegates had 
urged that if a cession should be made, it should be stip- 
ulated that the whole expense of such expeditions should 
I pass to the account of North Carolina, and had expressed 
their uneasiness that they had not been informed nor 
i| authorized to apply to Congress for the approbation of 
|| that body. Failing such approbation he feared that such 
expeditions would continue to be a State expense. 

Eecapitulating, Williamson urged that there were 
three measures which North Carolina was greatly inter- 
ested in promoting, namely: that Ehode Island and 
Georgia should agree to the five per cent impost; that 
Georgia should cede part of her territory; and that the 
expenses of the Indian expeditions should be paid by the 
United States. Could the western territory belonging 


to North Carolina be so managed as to promote these 
several 'interests f 

As to the last he expressed himself as hopeful, argu- 
ing as follows : 

If we should immediately complete the cession we shall give 
up the power of making advantageous terms and shall lose the 
argument which may bring others to adopt federal measures; 
on the other hand should we sell out what remains of this terri- 
tory to the western inhabitants whatever inconveniences they 
may suffer, they will lose the prospect of becoming a separate 
state; the quota of our state will be doubled, though we shall 
hardly have the means of paying half of our present quota. In 
that case too we shall give up the means of making terms or the 
power of adopting better measures if better should present them- 
selves. The situation is critical. Perhaps it is most consistent 
with prudence and sound policy to make a pause. Whatever 
shall finally appear to be for the honor and true interest of the 
state may be done twelve months hence as well as now. But 
we may do wrong things which may not be undone. 50 

Williamson's letter was continued to great length, 
and included many other matters of great interest — 
the relation of North Carolina's quota to the eighth arti- 
cle of the Articles of Confederation, the interests of the 
western settlers, the various plans for the sale of western 
territory, the present situation of the public arms, and 
the sale of forfeited property in the State of North Caro- 
lina. But the important point for our purpose has been 
made clear by our analysis and by the extensive quota- 
tions which we have made, namely, his plea for a delay 
in the completion of the cession in order that North Car- 
olina's surrender of her western lands might be used as 
a lever to secure the best interest- of the State in the con- 
flict of which the Congress was the battle ground. 

October 22nd the General Assembly met at New 
Bern. Several important acts were passed of which the 

50 Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, p. 94. — The 
letter as a whole occupies eleven pages of print. 


sixteenth chapter was an act repealing the cession made 
in the preceding spring. The preamble to this act stated 
that the cession made at that time was made ' l in full con- 
fidence that the whole expense of the Indian expeditions 
and militia aids to the state of Sonth Carolina and 
Georgia should pass to account in our quota of the con- 
tinental expenses incurred by the late war; and also that 
the other states holding western territory would make 
similar cessions, and that all the states would unanimous- 
ly grant imposts of five per cent as a common fund for 
the discharge of the federal debt." But "whereas, the 
states of Massachusetts and Connecticut, after accepting 
the cession of New York and Virginia, have since put in 
claims for the whole or a large part of that territory, and 
all the above expected measures for constituting a sub- 
stantial common fund, have been either frustrated or 
delayed", this act repealed the Act of Cession in its 
entirety. 51 

As the Act of Cession had met with a protest, so its 
repeal met with the dissent of twenty members of the 
legislature, headed by A. Maclaine. 52 This protest said 
that however ill-founded the policy of the cession, the 
grant was irrevocable and the repeal, therefore, was dis- 
graceful. They were confirmed in this opinion by the 
conclusion of the protest entered into against the cession 
by many members of the last Assembly who, as members 
of this Assembly, had advocated and voted for the repeal. 
But were the territory thus granted within their reach 
they could not but believe it inconsistent to the true in- 
terest of the State to recall to their possession a country 
phe inhabitants of which rejected their government, did 
not contribute to its support, and as long as they contin- 


si Clark's State Eecords of North Carolina, Vol. XXIV, pp. 678-679. 
52 The protest was said by Maclaine to have been drawn up by Hay. — 
ark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, p. 186. 


ued unwillingly attached to its empire, remained a weight 
to their expense without relieving their public burden. 

Next, they criticised the reasons set forth in the 
preamble of the repealing act, which, unsupported by 
testimony, they believed to be founded in an unjustifiable 
suspicion of the grand council of the Federal union of the 
United States of America which might render difficult the 
future settlement of North Carolina's claims. The action 
of the Assembly would contribute to the continuance and 
increase of that division in the council of the United 
States, already the source of so many evils. Again, the 
repeal of the cession without any increase to the strength 
of the State, as the inhabitants of the western country 
formed one-tenth of the numbers of the people, would by 
so much increase North Carolina's debt in settling the 
expenses of the war, as the number of the people formed 
the criterion for the discharge of that debt. Further- 
more, the attempt to recall the grant proved the Assembly 
unworthy to receive for North Carolina any benefit from 
the liberal cessions of western territory made by other 
States to the United States as a common fund for the 
use and benefit of the United States. 

Lastly, between the absolute grant made by the for- 
mer act and the re-annexation of the present act, the gov- 
ernment of the western country would apparently pertain 
to both Congress and to this State and seem to belong! 
to neither; and during the confusion, the inhabitants of 
the country contended for might from necessity erect 
themselves into a distinct government inconsistent with 
the benefit expected by the United States and subversive 
of their own pretended claims and the right saved to their 
citizens under the conditions of the Act of Cession. 53 

The North Carolina Assembly rose November 25th. 
A few days later Governor Martin wrote officially to the 

53 House Journal, 1784 (October session), November 25. — Clark's 
State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XIX, pp. 830-832. 


President of Congress to inform him that the Act of 
Cession had been repealed, and referred him to the dele- 
gates for further information on the subject. 54 The same 
day Martin wrote also to the delegates giving an account 
of the Assembly's action in the matter of the cession, the 
interest of the foreign loan, the proposed treaty with the 
Cherokees, and various changes in the official system of 
the colony. 55 To proceed with the course of events in 
Congress and in North Carolina would be an interesting 
task ; but the limits set for this paper — the North Caro- 
lina Cession and its repeal — have been reached. Even 
before this Assembly met, the possibility to which Mac- 
laine had referred in the last paragraph of his protest 
against the repeal had become an actual fact. On Au- 
gust 23d there came together the deputies from the coun- 
ties of Washington, Sullivan, and Green, to form the 
first convention to consider the interests of the settlers of 
that region. This was the first step in the development 
of the State of Franklin. 

Unquestionably news of the Franklin convention 

ust have speedily reached the State authorities, but it 

as not until April, 1785, that the Council of State was 

ailed to consider events which had taken place west of 

he mountains. 56 The repeal was passed, as we have 

een, in November. In December, the following month, 

overnor Martin appointed Sevier to office under the 

orth Carolina government, and in his letter informing 

im of this and giving him instructions no reference was 

ade to the events of August. 57 This official silence and 

naction may indeed have been due to the wish tactfully 

o bring influence to bear upon the discontented pioneers. 

ut at least one thing is certain, the conclusion of former 

s* Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, pp. 110, 111. 
ss Clark's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, pp. Ill, 112. 
se Clark 's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, pp. 435, 436. 
57 Clark 's State Records of North Carolina, Vol. XVII, p. 109. 


writers from Haywood down — that the repeal of the 
Act of Cession was hurried through solely because of the 
Franklin convention of August — is shown to he incor- 
rect, for a better reason appears in the arguments 
brought forward by Williamson and supported by 
Spaight with reference to the retention of the west- 
ern lands by North Carolina. The cession was with- 
drawn not so much because North Carolina feared 
the Franklin movement in itself, as because she wished 
to keep her hold on her western territory in order to 
settle her financial relations to the Confederation. The 
whole movement was much more than local in its impor- 
tance. It was a series of events which involved the deep- 
est problem in the period of the Confederation — the ad- 
justment of State and Federal relations in regard to two 
fundamental and correlated powers, the control of the 
purse and the control of the land system. 

By Haelow Lindley 

William Clark is probably best known to the people 
of the United States from his connection with the explo- 
ration of the Oregon country ; but the close student of the 
history of our country finds another phase of his life of 
great interest and of important historical value. 

When a mere lad of four years he listened with great 
avidity to the tales of Indian warfare, and this interest, 
so early manifested in the Indians, the " red-haired chief" 
carried with him to the last. He was trained in a good 
school to develop keenness, courage, and a love for the 
life of a frontiersman. His hero from babyhood was an 
older brother — the dauntless George Rogers Clark. His 
mother was Ann Rogers, from whom he inherited "iron 
in the blood and granite in the backbone". His father 
was John Clark, the grandson of a cavalier. 

From boyhood William Clark was a person of deeds 
rather than of words. When about fifteen years of age 
his parents moved from Virginia westward. The new 
environment furnished an opportunity for that training 
which was later to make him famous. 

Soon after moving westward he was frequently a 
member of war parties against the Indians, who were 
still troublesome. Early in his seventeenth year he en- 
listed in the Wabash Expedition under his elder brother, 
George Rogers Clark. In 1789, before he was twenty 
years old, he joined Colonel John Hardin's expedition 
gainst the tribes in Ohio. In 1790 he was sent on a 
ission to the Creeks and Cherokees of the South. In 
791, with General Scott, he served in the Wabash Indian 


expedition, being commissioned first as an ensign and a 
little later as an acting lieutenant. Two years later he 
is found in General Anthony Wayne's Western Army. 
In 1794 he was in charge of an expedition of a train of 
seven hundred pack horses and eighty men, which he was 
escorting to Fort Greenville. On this trip he was at- 
tacked by Indians, but lost only six men, gallantly re- 
pulsing the enemy and eliciting praise from Wayne. In 
1795 Clark was sent by Wayne with a message to the 
Spanish authorities at New Madrid. 

In 1796, he retired from the army because of ill 
health, and for the time being became a young country j 
gentleman, looking after the business of his father's es- j 
tate. In 1804, he was appointed by President Jefferson, j 
with Captain Meriwether Lewis, to explore the Missouri 
and Columbia rivers, then unknown to white people, ex? 
cept to a few traders. This expedition opened to the peo- 
ple of the United States a country half as large as Europe. 
The expedition made Lewis and Clark famous. Clark 
became the friend of the Nez Perce Flathead Indians, 
whom he met beyond the Eockies, and in later years they 
visited him in St. Louis annually, up to the time of his 

All this gave Clark a thorough knowledge of the 
way to deal with the Indians, to handle large bodies of 
men and supplies, and an opportunity to display his 
courage and resources. These experiences prepared him 
for the years that followed in his dealings with the In 
dians, and taught him their habits and character. His 
life purpose seems to have been to give them a fair deal 

Soon after his return from the Oregon expeditio 
Clark received the appointment of Brigadier General an 
Indian Agent for Louisiana on March 12, 1807, at Wash 
ington, where he and Meriwether Lewis were feasted and 
courted and regarded as the heroes of the hour. Almosl 
immediately upon receiving his appointment Clark sel 


out for St. Louis, to begin his real work among the In- 
dians — a work which was to continue for more than 
thirty years, which was to win for him the love of the 
race to whom he gave the best years of his life, and 
which was, in 1820, to bring down upon his head the 
censure of the politicians who declared that " Clark is 
too good to the Indians." 

The first summer he was very busy quelling Indian 
disturbances which, it was believed, were incited by the 
British traders. In October he returned to Virginia 
where, early in 1808, he was married to Miss Julia Han- 
cock. Very soon after this event he returned to his 
duties at St. Louis. From this place, under date of July 
20, 1810, he wrote that one hundred and fifty Sacs and 
Foxes were on a visit to the island of St. Joseph in Lake 
Huron. As this was at a time when British emissaries 
were at work among the tribes, the worst was feared. 
The Indians under Black Hawk were forming alliances. 

Clark continued to live in St. Louis, busy with af- 
fairs of this kind, until the summer of 1812 when the 
country was startled by the cry that Hull had surrendered 
to the British. Thus the first encounter of the Second 
War of Independence had passed into history. Before 
this Madison had offered the command of the Army of 
Detroit to Clark, who, feeling that he could serve his 
country best by attending to the Indians, had gratefully 
declined. A little later, in December, 1812, he was made 
Governor of Missouri — which Territory had recently 
been organized. 

All during the war of 1812 hostile tribes were con- 
stantly committing great depredations; and in 1814 it 
was necessary to strengthen the fort at Prairie du Chien. 
With this in mind Governor Clark set out with an expe- 
dition of two hundred men, for, said he, "Whoever holds 
Prairie du Chien, holds the Upper Mississippi", and a 
moment later added: "It requires time and a little smok- 



ing with Indians, if you wish to have peace with them." 
On the route they encountered some Sacs and Foxes who, 
being thoroughly frightened, sued for peace. They made 
no objections to the terms, but gladly promised to take 
up arms against the enemies of the United States. Dick- 
son, the treacherous English agent who had been inciting 
the Indians, left Prairie du Chien two days before the 
arrival of Clark, leaving it in charge of Captain Deace. 
But the latter left, and when Clark entered the fort he 
found it deserted. Most of the inhabitants returned, 
however, and a new fort was in progress of building when 
Clark left the Prairie. 

In the meantime Black Hawk and the British Sacs 
were not idle. The Indians declared that Dickson had 
employed an Indian brave to assassinate Clark at Prairie 
du Chien. This warrior entered the council with murder 
in his heart, but finding the Americans armed, he was 
forced to give up the attempt. 

Indian depredations did not cease with the Treaty 
of Ghent, although the tribes were notified of its terms by 
Governor Clark and others. They continued their war- 
fare, especially in the Missouri Territory, and all effort 
to come to an understanding proved unavailing. The 
following is a copy of instructions sent by Monroe, Secre- 
tary of War, to the commissioners, Governor Clark, Nin- 
ian Edwards, Governor of the Illinois Territory, and 
Colonel Auguste Chouteau : 

Department of War, March 25, 1815. 1 
Sir: — 

At the treaty which you as commissioners are authorized! 
to hold with the Indians, the President thinks it will be proper 
to make some presents to the chiefs and headmen of the tribes 
who may attend. For this purpose, twenty thousand dollars 
worth of goods have been directed to be purchased and will be 
forwarded by Messrs. Johnson and Sibley who will probably 

i American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 6. 


reach St. Louis with them in the first week in June. Whether 
it will be necessary to distribute the whole of these goods to the 
Indians will depend upon the number of tribes which attend 
the treaty, and on the judgment and discretion of the commis- 
sioners as to the extent to which presents ought to be made. 
Should any Indians who have been friendly to the United States 
attend this treaty, it will be well, in the distribution of presents, 
to let them feel that those who have been our enemies are not 
better treated than those who have been our friends. Among 
the articles to be sent out, there are some solid silver medals; 
and it having been understood that the late General Pike, when 
on his expedition up the Mississippi, took from some of the 
Indians medals which had been given to them by the British, it 
is requested that, if any of these Indians attend the treaty, a 
medal of the largest size be given to each of them in lieu of those 
taken from them by General Pike. 

I have the honor to be, etc. 

J. Monroe. 
His Excellency W. Clark, St. Louis. 

Fearing that a treaty might not be satisfactorily 
concluded at Prairie du Chien, Clark wrote to the Secre- 
tary of War that it was well to be prepared for either 
peace or war. A second letter was written, which sound- 
ed a more doubtful note than the preceding. To these 
letters Monroe replied that the President would use the 
military force of the United States to suppress the In- 
dians if necessary. 

Under date of July 16, 1815, another letter was sent 
from the commissioners to Monroe from Portage des 
Sioux, voicing the sentiment that they feared the worst 
from the attempt at a treaty as the tribes had sent some 
of the most contemptible of their braves and but few 
chiefs to treat with them, and these had declared that 
even should the chiefs agree to relinquish their land the 
tribes would never consent to it. 

Meanwhile Jackson was placed in command of this 
military district, and Clark, acting under his instructions, 


ordered the militia to hold itself in readiness for instant 
action. These measures had the desired effect, and the 
tone of the next communication was quite different. 
Treaties had been concluded with the Pattawatamies, the 
Piankeshaws, the Yanctons, the Teetons, the Mahas, the 
Sioux of the Lakes, and the Sioux of the river St. Peters 
at Portage des Sioux. A little later treaties were also 
made at the same point with the Kickapoos, the Big and 
Little Osages, the Sacs of Missouri River, the Foxes and 
the Ioways. The letter apprising Monroe of this treaty 
mentioned, also, the division among the Indians about 
Prairie du Chien concerning the expediency of a treaty, 
and expressed the belief that hostility had been engen- 
dered by British traders. 

On October 18, 1815, a long letter was received by 
the "War Department from Clark and his assistants in 
which they stated they had explicitly followed the direc- 
tions of the government, but they feared no further treat- 
ies could be effected. They spoke of the intriguing of 
the British traders and of their part in stirring up the 
Indians. They advised the making of further treaties 
with those tribes that were friendly. They also cited an 
instance of the unjust treatment of the Cherokees by the 
whites, stating that the tribes desired peaceable posses- 
sion of a definite tract of land, which should be free from 
the encroachments of the whites. 

William H. Crawford was now Secretary of War. 
In his absence George Graham, Chief Clerk, acting under 
instructions from the President, authorized Clark to or- 
der the removal of all whites settling on Indian territory, 
promising the assistance of United States troops, if 

On October 1, 1815, Clark sent a letter to Crawford 
plainly stating that he considered a change in the manage- 
ment of Indian affairs expedient. The Indian agents 
should be given more power to deal with law breakers. 


He believed it might be well to establish a department to 
manage Indian affairs, but admitted his inability to 
answer the question decisively. He advised the organ- 
ization of a company with banking privileges. 

On May 13, 1816, a treaty was concluded between the 
United States through her representatives, William 
Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, and the 
Sacs of Eock River. Reference was made in this treaty 
to the refusal of these tribes to meet in council at Portage 
des Sioux and to the depredations since committed by 
them. But, having grown weary of strife, they were 
eager to be at peace and earnestly implored mercy. They 
assented to the conditions of the treaty of 1804 at St. 
Louis, and agreed to restore all property stolen since 
the ratification of the Treaty of Ghent before July 1st, 
Failure to comply with this provision meant a forfeiture 
of their annuities. 

On June 1, 1816, a treaty was made with the Sioux 
in which the Indians confirmed previous cessions of land 
and acknowledged themselves subjects of the United 
States. A similar pledge was entered into between the 
United States and the Winnebagoes on June 3rd. A por- 
tion of this tribe, having separated itself from the rest, 
promised to remain apart until the others should come 
into friendly relations with the United States. On Au- 
gust 24th, a treaty was made with the Ottawas, Chippe- 
was, and Pattawatamies in which these tribes promised 
to relinquish their claim on certain disputed cessions 
(retaining the right to hunt and fish) in return for "a 
considerable quantity of merchandise and an annual 
present for twelve years of one thousand dollars worth 
of goods and the relinquishment on the part of the United 
States of certain portions of disputed territory ceded to 
the general government by the Sacs and Foxes.' ' 

Shortly before the consummation of the first of the 


above treaties, Crawford sent a letter 2 to Clark and the 
other agents in which he speaks of further cessions of 
remote Indian lands in return for annuities as undesir- 
able, since the government is already in possession of 
more land than is needed for settlement. He does say, 
however, that it may be expedient to obtain certain ces- 
sions in order to make settlements more compact. He 
fears the tendency of settlers to spread themselves out 
over the cessions — no matter how distant — and prefers 
to make this practically impossible. He fears, too, that 
if a long time intervenes between cession and settlement 
there is danger of a misunderstanding arising concerning 
the cession. Such a misunderstanding had already arisen 
in the Illinois Territory, because of which he instructs 
the agents to offer presents to quiet the claims of the 
Indians who have been using it for a hunting ground. 
Should the original owners make any claim, they must be 
made to acquiesce in the terms of the contract. But, if 
they make no claim, presents may be bestowed upon them. 
He proposes a recession to the tribes of the land north of 
the northern line of Ohio, west to the Mississippi Eiver 
and east of the western boundary of Indiana Territory, 
reserving a military post at the mouth of the Wisconsin, 
and any other reservations the agents might deem neces- 
sary, in exchange for the Indian lands south and west of 
these lines. If the Indians refuse he leaves it to the discre- 
tion of the agents to make terms. He considered it highly 
desirable to obtain possession of a tract of land connect- 
ing the Illinois cession with Lake Michigan. He asks 
that the agents spare no pains to secure this, providing 
any of the tribes occupying this territory are present at j 
the council to be held. 

On May 21, 1816, William Crawford sent a letter of i 
commendation to the Indian agents for the way in which, 
they had conducted certain affairs with the Indians. He 

2 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 97. 


referred to cessions of land which might be made from 
Cherokee and Osage tribes and reiterated the danger of 
cessions too remote. 

Difficulties having arisen between some Cherokees 
who had emigrated from their tribe and the sages, it 
was necessary to run a line of the Osage Purchase from 
the Missouri to the Arkansas. In the event of the Cher- 
okees having settled on the Osage land, Clark and the 
other agents wrote the Secretary of War to ascertain 
what course they should pursue in regard to the improve- 
ments made by the Cherokees. But Crawford could not 
advise in this matter as the tribe had refused to treat with 
the government concerning these emigrants, declaring 
they must return and live with their tribe. 

Through the efforts of Clark in October, 1818, a 
treaty was effected between the Cherokees and the sages 
and friendly relations were re-established. The sages 
ceded a part of their land north of the Arkansas to the 
United States in payment of property which they had 
stolen from the citizens. The tribe had, also, decided to 
live together in one village as advised by Clark and re- 
quested that an agent be sent to them. 

In 1819 the celebrated conflict over the admission of 
Missouri as a State arose. When it became evident that 
it was to be admitted, the question of the choice of a 
Governor was an important one. Many favored the se- 
lection of a new man to succeed Governor Clark on the 
grounds that the latter had favored the Indian at the 
expense of the white man — a charge wholly unjust. Just 
at this time occurred the death of his wife in Virginia. 
And so, in the midst of the political entanglement Clark 
was called away to bury the woman who, since the day 
of her coming into his home, had helped to make his life 
in the West such a success. When he returned to Mis- 
souri it was to find the official chair of the new State 
filled by a new man. There were many Governors to 


follow, but to the day of his death William Clark was 
given the title of "Governor" Clark. Soon after his re- 
turn to Missouri he was made Superintendent of Indian 
affairs, which position he held until his death. 

In 1824 treaties were made by Clark with the Ioways 
and the Sacs and Foxes, in which they renounced all 
claims to land lying in Missouri. In 1825 similar treaties 
were concluded with the Great and Little sages, the 
Kanzas, and the Shawanees. The same year occurred 
the celebrated treaty of Prairie du Chien, by which the 
Indian tribes agreed to live in general and lasting peace 
among themselves. The boundary lines between the dif- 
ferent tribes were also established. This was the first 
time in ten years that Clark had visited Prairie du Chien. 
Far and near could be heard the whisper among the 
tribes, "The Great Chief, the Red Head is coming". 
Here assembled the Sioux, Sauks, Foxes, Chippewas, 
Winnebagoes, Menominees and Ioways. The commis- 
sioners were somewhat disappointed that some of the 
Indians from up the Missouri had not come. By the con- 
summate tact of General Clark and Governor Cass of 
Michigan the treaty was concluded and peace reigned. 
In Cass's words "They made the treaty of perpetual 
peace, and settled the boundaries between the different 
tribes which resulted in the United States sending a corps 
of surveyors and surveying the boundaries at great ex- 
pense, and perhaps keep the Indians at peace until they 
were ready to go to war again." But, with a shrug of 
the shoulders, "they would have it so at Washington". 
The words of " Governor" Clark as he went homeward 
were, ' ' Pray God it may last. ' ' 

Of Clark's real interest in the Indians there can be 
no doubt, in proof of which I submit the following ex- 
tract taken from his letter of March 1, 1826, to James 
Barbour, Secretary of War: 


The events of the last twenty two or three years, from 
General Wayne's campaign in 1794, to the end of the operations 
against the southern tribes, in 1818, have entirely changed our 
position with regard to the Indians. Before these events, the 
tribes nearest our settlements were a formidable and terrible 
enemy; since then, their power has been broken, their warlike 
spirit subdued, and themselves sunk into objects of pity and 
commiseration. While strong and hostile, it has been our obvious 
policy to weaken them; now that they are weak and harmless, 
and most of their lands fallen into our hands, justice and human- 
ity require us to befriend and cherish them. 3 

He continued in this strain a plea for their civiliza- 
tion. He labored hard to improve their condition. When 
in the course of his administration word was brought him 
that the traders were giving whiskey to the Indians his 
indignation leaped forth and the American Fur Company 
hastened to explain and to condone, so far as possible, 
their offence. 

Because of the constant trouble arising between the 

whites and the Indians, Clark tried to induce the eastern 

tribes to sell their lands and move west of the Mississippi. 

With this in mind he set out in 1830 for Prairie du Chien. 

Many tribes from Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois adopted his 

advice. Money became exhausted, but Clark used his 

own resources and his credit to move them. He implored 

the Department for help. The whites became incensed 

| at the constant depredations of the Indians. The Super- 

j intendent used every argument to prevail upon the re- 

j maining tribes to leave their exhausted lands and go 

west, but they invariably answered, "Another year". 

Here again, we find Black Hawk stubbornly resisting 

! the removal to the last. During his absence in Canada, 

Keokuk made the final cession, but Black Hawk refused 

f to go; and in 1832 he invaded Illinois. War followed, 

resulting in the capture of Black Hawk, who was sent to 

3 American State Papers, Indian A fairs, Vol. II, p. 653. 


St. Louis. Clark seldom went to see him because he could 
not endure seeing the haughty chief, who was his friend, 
thus humbled. 

Clark was now growing old, but his vitality continued 
almost unabated. In 1837 news was brought to him that 
small-pox had broken out among the Mandans and had 
almost obliterated that tribe. The contagion spread. 
The Superintendent employed physicians in St. Louis to 
vaccinate. He sent them out, also, to the different tribes, 
but the superstitious Indians fled with the cry, "The 
white men have come with small-pox in a bottle.' ' 

All this excitement and the decimation of the tribes 
visibly affected Clark, and his health began to decline. 
On September 1, 1838, he died. One of his last requests 
was that he be buried in sight and sound of the Missis- 
sippi River. 

A deep gloom fell upon St. Louis. Everybody 
mourned "Governor" Clark. The Indians wept for the 
"Red haired Chief" and soon disappeared entirely from 
the city that had been his home for more than thirty-one 
years. It was to him that they had looked in emergen- 
cies. It was to him that the Nez Perces from beyond the 
Rocky Mountains had sent their four chiefs in search of 
"the Book" which led the Methodists in 1834 to send out 
Jason Lee and four others to Oregon, to be followed two 
years later by Whitman and Spalding with their brides. 

Thus lived and died William Clark, who, first as 
Governor, then as Superintendent of Indian Affairs, prob-j 
ably did more than any other man to reconcile the Indian 
to the attitude of the United States, as well as to makej 
the United States see the need of the Indian. Although] 
sometimes severe, the red man felt that he was ever just.! 
All honor to the man who gave his treasure and his life 
to the work of establishing a harmonious relationship' 
between the government and the Indian who felt that he 
had been unjustly treated. William Clark loved and lived 


for his country and its interests, and was probably the 
most beloved, honored, and revered man in the West at 
the time of his death. 


By Fkank Hakmon Gakver 

Sergeant Charles Floyd, the subject of this paper, 
was a member of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. He 
was formally enlisted for the enterprise on March 31, 
1804, and on the following day was appointed a Sergeant. 1 
He started out with the company on May 14th, and on 
August 20th of the same year he died and was buried 
within the present corporation limits of Sioux City, Iowa. 
In the short time allowed to the writer of this paper only 
the briefest sketch can be given of Floyd's life, and of 
the effort made since his death to perpetuate his memory. 
As an historical figure he has five claims to consideration. 2 
(1) His was the only death to occur upon the Lewis and 
Clark Expedition, although the expedition lasted two 
years and a half and was confronted by formidable dan- 
gers and almost insurmountable difficulties. (2) He was 
the first "citizen-soldier" of the United States to die and 
be buried within the newly acquired Louisiana Purchase. 

(3) The most costly monument which has been reared to 
the memory of any member of the Lewis and Clark Ex- 
pedition now marks the grave of Sergeant Charles Floyd. 

(4) Sergeant Floyd was one of the few men on the expedi- 
tion to keep a journal, and one of a still smaller number 
whose journal has been published. (5) His fame has 
been preserved in the names given to a bluff, a river, a 

i Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and ClarTc Expedition,] 
Vol. I, pp. 11-12. Floyd had undoubtedly been with the expedition all 
winter in its camp at the mouth of Eiver Dubois. 

2 Compare Wheeler's The Trail of Lewis and ClarTc, Vol. I, p. 84. 


town, a park, and, some claim, to a county — all in the 
State of Iowa. 

Mr. Olin D. Wheeler, author of The Trail of Lewis 
and Clark, ranks Floyd as second in historical interest to 
Colter among all the members of the expedition, except- 
ing only the two leaders. 3 


Very little is known of the early life of Sergeant 
Floyd. His grandfather, William Floyd, together with 
two brothers, John and Charles, migrated from Wales to 
the American colonies early in the eighteenth century. 
John went to the northern colonies, and Charles to Geor- 
gia ; while William settled in Virginia — first in the tide- 
water region, but soon moving westward into the new 
county of Amherst where he died in 1779, leaving five sons 
and seven daughters. In the fall of the same year eight 
of these children, four sons and four daughters, migrated 
to Kentucky and settled at Bear Grass in Jefferson Coun- 
ty near Louisville. The best known of these brothers 
was Colonel John Floyd, an officer in the Eevolutionary 
War. Another one, named Charles, a surveyor by occu- 
pation and a friend of Daniel Boone, is supposed to have 
been the father of Sergeant Charles Floyd. The age of 
the latter at the time of his death in 1804 is not definitely 
known. He was probably born in Jefferson County, Ken- 
tucky, ^ometime between the years 1780 and 1785. 

To America the Floyd family has given pioneers, 
Indian fighters, soldiers, and statesmen. Two of the Ser- 
jgeant's uncles and four of his aunts were slain by In- 
dians. Colonel John Floyd, who commanded a company 
under George Eogers Clark, was his uncle. John Floyd, 
Governor of Virginia in 1829, was his first cousin, as 
was also George Eogers Clark Floyd of Tippecanoe fame. 
John B. Floyd, Governor of Virginia and Secretary of 

3 Wheeler 's The Trail of Lewis and Clark, Vol. I, p. 91. 


War under President Buchanan, was his first cousin once 
removed. The Floyd family was on intimate terms with 
the Boones and the Clarks. Possibly the choice of Wil- 
liam Clark as one of the two leaders of the expedition 
to explore the Missouri Biver may account, in part at 
least, for the enlistment of Charles Floyd in that under- 
taking. Such, in brief, is practically all that is known 
of the life of Sergeant Charles Floyd before he became 
identified with the enterprise in which he lost his life. 4 


Concerning Floyd's connection with the Lewis and 
Clark expedition more is known — though not as much 
as we might wish. Meriwether Lewis in preparing for 
the expedition had a boat built at Pittsburg in which to 
transport part of his supplies to St. Louis. 5 On August 
31, 1803, Lewis embarked at Pittsburg for his passage 
down the Ohio. 

He was in Cincinnati from September 28th to Octo- 
ber 3rd, and reached Louisville sometime during October. 
Here he picked up Captain William Clark and several, 
perhaps all, of the nine young men of Kentucky who are 
known to have accompanied the expedition up the Mis- 
souri. There is little doubt that Charles Floyd was one 
of the Kentuckians to join the company at Louisville. 6 
He spent the winter of 1803-1804 at the camp which Lewis 
and Clark established in Illinois opposite the mouth of 

4 See letter of Miss Mary Floyd McMullen in The Sioux City Tribunel 
of August 17, 1901. Keprinted in the Second Eeport of the Floyd Memoj 
rial Association, 1901, p. 101. Practically all of the data concerning the 
Floyd family and ancestry given above was dirawn from the letter men- 

^ Wheeler's The Trail of Lewis and ClarTc, Vol. I, p. 61; alsoj 
Thwaites's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. I, 
p. xxxi. 

« Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and ClarTc Expedition^ 
Vol. I, p. xxxi. Dr. Elliot Coues, compiler of the first Eeport of the Floyd 
Memorial Association, claims (p. 3) that Floyd joined the expedition ii the 
fall of 1803 at St. Louis, but he gives no proof of his assertion. 


the Missouri. The detachment orders, issued during 
these months, show that Floyd was one of the two men 
intrusted with greatest authority by the captains. 7 

On March 31, 1804, twenty-five men were formally 
enlisted for the expedition. The list includes the name 
of Charles Floyd. On the following day Charles Floyd, 
John Ordway, and Nathaniel Pryor were appointed ser- 
geants with equal powers. 8 Each sergeant was given 
command of eight men. The expedition started on May 
14th. On the 26th the squads of the three sergeants were 
ordered to form the crew of the batteaux, the posts and 
duties of the sergeants being described in detail. Dur- 
ing the progress of the voyage Floyd performed his du- 
ties with regularity and credit — as is shown by the 
detachment orders issued by the commanding officers and 
by references to Floyd in other places. 9 


In view of the fact that Floyd died and was buried 
within the borders of the present State of Iowa, the prog- 
ress of the Lewis and Clark Expedition along the west- 
ern border of that State gains in interest to the students 
of Iowa history. To be brief, the explorers were abreast 
of the Iowa country from July 18th to August 21st — a 
period of thirty-four days. Twenty-one days were spent 
in travel and thirteen at rest. While on the move from 
three and one-half to twenty-two and one-half miles were 
covered each day, the average being fifteen. The total 
distance traveled was about three hundred and fifteen 
miles. 10 Twenty-one camps were made, eleven on the 

7 Thwaites 'a Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 
Vol. I, pp. 8-10. 

8 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 
Vol. I, p. 12. 

9 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 
Vol. I, pp. 7-16, 30, 31, 61, 114; Vol. VII, pp. 299, 357. 

10 This number has been obtained by adding together the distances 


Iowa side and seven on the soil of Nebraska. Twice the 
company camped on islands and once on a sand-bar, 

The thirteen days of rest were spent in three camps. 
The first of these was located in Iowa, abont ten miles 
above the mouth of the Platte River. Here the expedi- 
tion camped for four days and five nights from July 22nd 
to the 26th inclusive, hoping for a council with the Ottoes 
and Missouris which, however, did not materialize. The 
second important camp was located in Washington 
County, Nebraska, where a stop of four days and four 
nights — from July 30th to August 2nd inclusive — was 
made. During this delay a council with the Ottoes and 
Missouris actually was held. The camp which was occu- 
pied for the longest period was located on a sand-bar on 
the Nebraska side of the river, off Dakota County, Ne- 
braska, and a little below the town of Dakota City. Here 
the company halted for six days and seven nights, or 
from August 13th to August 19th inclusive. This camp 
was near a village of the Mahas, with whom it had been 
hoped to have a council, but the Mahas were not at home. 
The expedition continued to wait here for the return of 
four men sent out on the 7th to bring in two deserters 
These men returned on the 18th, accompanied by several 
chiefs of the Ottoes. During this day, and the next, a 
council was held — but with Ottoes and not with Mahas 
as had been hoped. 


At this camp on the sand-bar, where a week had beer) 
spent, Floyd was taken ill. The last entry in his journa 
was made on the 18th of August. On the 19th he was 
evidently too sick to write. All of the known journals, ex 
cept that of Floyd, mention his sickness on the 19th. Ii 
Clark's journal we read that " Serjeant Floyd is takei 
verry bad all at once with a Biliose Chorlick we attemp 

traveled each day from July 18th to August 21st, as those figures are give) 
in the Lewis and Clark journals. 


to relieve him without success as yet, he gets worst and 
we are much allarmed at his Situation, all attention to 
him." 11 Sergeant Gass briefly records that "This day 
sergeant Floyd became very sick and remained so all 
night. He was seized with a complaint somewhat like a 
violent cholick. ' ' 12 This entry, since it mentions that 
Floyd was sick all night, must have been written on the 

The reference in the journal of Whitehouse is still 
briefer. He simply says: "Sergt. Floyd Taken verry 
ill this morning with a collick. ' ' 13 This entry is brief, 
but it shows that Floyd was sick during the morning of 
the 19th, as well as all that day and night. 

As to the nature of Floyd's sickness all we know is 
that the various journals describe it as a violent colic or 
something similar. As to causes we know as little. The 
only mention of a possible cause known to the writer is 
to be found in Jacob's Life and Times of Patrick Gass, 
where that author states that Floyd's attack was brought 
on by his having lain down on a sand-bar, while in an 
overheated condition, after an evening of dancing. 14 The 
last sentence in the original journal of Captain William 
Clark for August 18th, reads as follows: "the evening 
was closed with an extra gill of whiskey and a Dance un- 
til 11 o'Clock". 15 It was customary for the whites 
to join the Indians in their dances. We do not know for 
certain that Floyd danced on the evening of the 18th, but 
we do know that there was a dance and that on the next 
morning he was taken violently ill. 

ii Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 
Vol. I, p. 114. 

12 Hosmer's Gass's Journal of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, p. 21. 

13 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 
Vol. VII, p. 50, 

14 Jacob 's Life and Times of Patrick Gass, pp. 43, 44. 

15 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 
Vol. I, p. 112. 


In this connection it has occurred to the writer that 
Floyd had not been in the best of health at any time on 
the trip. He would naturally keep this very much to 
himself. And yet we know from his own journal that 
he was not well during the latter part of July. Under 
date of July 31st we read in Floyd's journal: "I am 
very Sick and Has ben for Somtime but have Recoverd 
my helth again". 16 This can hardly refer to any tem- 
porary illness of a day. If it did, Floyd would scarcely 
say he had been sick for some time. Then, too, if one 
examines Floyd's journal carefully he will find the en- 
tries for the last four days very brief. In all the other 
journals the entries for these days are at least of average 
length. This may indicate that Floyd was feeling poorly 
for several days before he became seriously ill on the 
19th. Couple with this his own statement of July 31st, 
that he had been very sick for some time, and it does not 
seem unreasonable to conclude, either that he was not 
very robust or that he was not in the best of condition at 
any time on this trip. 17 

If these suppositions approximate the truth, it need 
not appear strange that lying on a sand-bar after an 
evening of dancing should bring on serious complications. 
One of the things most difficult to understand in regard 
to this matter is that an expedition, as thoroughly equip- 
ped as this one was for the exploration of a continent, 
should have gone out upon a journey of 8,000 miles, to be 
absent from civilization for two years and a half, with- 

i6 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 
Vol. VII, p. 22. 

17 After this paper was read, the writer was privileged to examine 
Jacob's Life and Times of Patrick Gass in the Library of Congress, Wash- 
ington, D. C. On the subject of Floyd's health and death, the author has 
the following to say (p. 43): "Being naturally of a delicate constitution 
he had embarked on this expedition in the hope of acquiring better health, 
but the exposure, superadded to imprudence, was too severe, and he had to 
succumb in spite of all that could be done to save him. " 


out a physician as a member of the party. 18 If a physi- 
cian had been along we might now know the cause of 
Floyd 's death — indeed, his life might have been spared. 
The wonder is that his was the only fatality during the 

Upon leaving their camp of a week the company pro- 
ceeded, early on the morning of the 20th of August, 
eleven miles, where they landed for dinner — Whitehouse 
says at noon; Gass says at two o'clock. The chances 
are that Gass is correct. Two o'clock is definite, while 
it is easy to say "noon" for the dinner hour. It might 
be added that eleven miles was farther than was usually 
covered before noon. Only once did the expedition travel 
twenty-two miles in one day while on the western border 
of Iowa. 19 

It was during this stop for dinner that Floyd died. 
Neither Clark nor Gass say how soon after landing ; while 
in Whitehouse we read that "Sergeant Charles Floyd 
expired directly after we landed", 20 that is, shortly after 
two o 'clock. Since this is the only direct statement as to 
the time of Floyd's death it should be accepted. The 
company then proceeded to the first bluffs on the Iowa 
side. Here, with the honors of war, they buried the 
remains of their late comrade on top of a round bluff at 
least one hundred feet in height, which stood close to the 
river bank. A "seeder post" was placed at the head of 
the grave. According to Clark, who was the only journal- 
ist to mention it, this post was inscribed with the words : 
"Sergt, C. Floyd died here 20th of august 1804 ". 21 The 
bluff was named Sergeant Floyd's Bluff. The company 
then proceeded less than a mile farther and camped for 

18 Compare Wheeler 's The Trail of Lewis and ClarTc, Vol. I, p. 46. 
is This was on August 17th. 

20 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and ClarTc Expedition, 
Vol. VII, p. 51. 

21 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and ClarTc Expedition, 
Vol. I, p. 114. 


the night on the Iowa side at the month of a small river, 
to which Floyd's name was also given. Both Floyd's 
Bluff and the month of the Floyd Eiver are within the 
present corporation limits of Sioux City, Iowa. Three 
miles below the bluif is situated the little town of Ser- 
geant's Bluff, also named for Floyd. His grave is now 
marked by a monument commonly called the Floyd Mon- 
ument; while the land around the grave and monument 
comprise Floyd Park, one of the public parks of Sioux 
City. Thus in many ways has the name of Sergeant 
Charles Floyd been perpetuated. 

floyd's grave from 1804 to 1857 
After 1804 the grave of Sergeant Floyd, located as 
it was upon the top of a high bluff on the banks of one of 
America's great waterways, soon became a well-known 
landmark. Many expeditions stopped to visit the grave, 
or camped at the foot of the bluff. Numerous prominent 
travelers, explorers, and scientists make mention of the 
grave in their journals. A few illustrations may be given. 
In 1811 the overland Astorian expedition, under the 
command of W. P. Hunt, went up the Missouri. John 
Bradbury, traveler, and Thomas Nuttall, botanist, were 
members of the company. In his journal Bradbury speaks 
of passing Floyd's grave on the 15th of May. 22 At the 
same time the fur-trading expedition, commanded by 
Manuel Lisa, was on its way up the Missouri. In fact it 
was racing with the expedition commanded by Hunt. 
Henry M. Brackenridge the famous traveler accompa- 
nied Lisa. On the 19th of May, four days after Bradbury 
had been there, Brackenridge passed Floyd's grave, con- 
cerning which he wrote the following in his journal: 
"Involuntary tribute was paid to the spot, by the feelings 
even of the most thoughtless, as we passed by. It is : 
several years since he was buried here ; no one has dis 

22 Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. V, p. 91. 


turbed the cross which marks the grave ; even the Indians 
who pass, venerate the place, and often leave a present 
or offering near it. Brave, adventurous youth ! thou art 
not forgotten — for although thy bones are deposited far 
from thy native home, in the desert- waste ; yet the eternal 
silence of the plain shall mourn thee, and memory will 
dwell upon thy grave V 123 Brackenridge is the only per- 
son to call the cedar post a cross. It is possible that he 
did not climb the bluff to the grave. 

In 1832 George Catlin, the celebrated English artist 
and student of the American Indians, ascended the Mis- 
souri. Upon his return he stopped off at Floyd's grave 
and made two sketches of the bluff. In his series of 
American paintings these sketches form plates 117 and 
118. Two pages in his book on The North American 
Indians are given to the story of Floyd. His description 
closes with this gushing apostrophe: "Oh, sad and tear- 
starting contemplation ! sole tenant of this stately mound, 
how solitary thy habitation! here heaven wrested from 
thee thy ambition, and made thee sleeping monarch of this 
land of silence. Stranger! Oh, how the mystic web of 
sympathy links my soul to thee and thy afflictions! I 
knew thee not, but it was enough ; thy tale was told, and 
I a solitary wanderer through thy land, have stopped to 

drop familiar tears upon thy grave Stranger! 

Adieu. With streaming eyes I leave thee again, and thy 
fairy land, to peaceful solitude. My pencil has faith- 
fully traced thy beautiful habitation; and long shall live 
in the world, and familiar, the name of 'Floyd's 
Grave '. ' ' 24 Catlin further states that the cedar post bore 
only Floyd's initials. 

In May of the following year Maximilian, Prince of 
Wied, passed the grave and in his book of travels records 

23 Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. VI, p. 85. 

24 Catlin 's North American Indians (Chatto & Windus, 1876), VoL 
II, p. 4. 


that "A short stick marks the place where he is laid, and 
has often been renewed by travellers when the fires in the 
prairie have distroyed it. ' ' 25 

Joseph N. Nicollet, discoverer, ascended the Missouri 
in 1839. Concerning Floyd's grave he made the follow- 
ing record: "We stopped for the night at the foot of 
the bluff on which is Floyd's Grave: my men replaced 
the signal, blown down by the winds, which marks the [ 
spot and hallows the memory of the brave Sergeant, who 
died there during Lewis and Clark's Expedition. ' ' 26 

Many other prominent characters, including Audubon 
and Agassiz, passed the grave and paid tribute with their 


The original grave of Sergeant Floyd was at least 
one hundred feet above the surface of the Missouri River I 
and probably three hundred feet back from the river j 
bank. But the Missouri is notoriously erratic and this 
distance did not prove to be a sufficient protection. By 
1854, after the lapse of just fifty years, the river had 
eaten inland almost to the grave. Parker's Iowa Hand- 
book, for 1856 uttered a warning that if Floyd's re- 
mains were not soon rescued they would fall into the 
Missouri. 27 In the Spring of 1857 a sudden freshet 
washed away part of the bluff and left the rude coffin of 
Floyd exposed. Some eye-witnesses testify that one- 
third of the coffin was in view from the river. The alarm 
was carried to the then three year old settlement of Sioux 
City. A committee of citizens was organized, the grave 
visited and the remains of Sergeant Charles Floyd res- 
cued from their dangerous position, but not until a large 
number of the bones had been lost. By good fortune the 

25 Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. XXII, p. 278. 

26 Quoted in first Report of the Floyd Memorial Association, 1897, 
p. 14. 

27 Parker 's Iowa Handbook, for 1856, pp. 128, 129. 


skull was recovered although the body had been buried 
with the head towards the river. The arm bones, among 
others, were lost. 

On May 28, 1857, the remains of Floyd were re-in- 
terred, with appropriate ceremonies six hundred feet far- 
ther back from the first grave and also from the river, 
but still on the same bluff. The grave was marked by a 
head-board and by a foot-board. The original cedar post 
was not in evidence when the remains were recovered in 
1857. The river continued to eat into the bluff until the 
site of the original grave is now in the air a hundred 
feet above the surface of the river. 

At the time of the re-burial in 1857 there was some 
agitation in favor of erecting a monument to suitably 
mark the grave of Sergeant Floyd, but the movement 
came to naught. 28 

floyd's journal. 

One of the most interesting chapters in the story of 
Sergeant Charles Floyd is the one which concerns his 
journal. This rare volume is now in the possession of 
the Wisconsin Historical Society. How it came there 
will be explained. During the last week of October, 1804, 
the Lewis and Clark Expedition reached the Mandans in 
North Dakota. Here they were compelled to go into 
winter quarters. In the following April a barge was sent 
down the Missouri with dispatches, letters, etc. In his 
official letter to President Jefferson, Captain Lewis 
wrote: "I have sent a journal kept by one of the Ser- 
geants, to Capt Stoddard, my agent at St. Louis, in 
order as much as possible, to multiply the chances of 
saving something. ,, 29 This was without doubt the jour- 
nal of Charles Floyd, since Sergeants Ordway, Pryor, 

28 First Report of the Floyd Memorial Association, 1897, pp. 14-18. 

29 Letter of Captain Lewis to President Jefferson, written from 
Fort Mandan, April 7, 1805. Quoted in Thwaites's Original Journals of 
the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. VII, pp. 318-321. 


and Gass, would naturally retain their journals until the 
end of the journey. The same boat which carried this 
journal to St. Louis also bore letters and tokens addressed 
to William Clark's relatives at Louisville, Kentucky. It 
is inferred that Floyd's journal was sent to his father 
in Jefferson County, Kentucky, at the same time and in 
the same manner that Captain Clark's letters and pres- 
ents were sent to his relatives in Louisville. 30 

In after years the journal of Floyd was acquired 
for the Wisconsin Historical Society by Dr. Lyman 0. 
Draper upon one of his collecting tours through Ken- 
tucky. In February, 1893, it was discovered by Dr. Beu- 
ben Gold Thwaites, among hitherto neglected papers of 
Dr. Draper. Whether Dr. Draper knew that he had in 
his possession a Lewis and Clark journal is, I believe, 
unknown. 30 

The new journal was read on April 25, 1894, before 
the American Antiquarian Society at Boston, and later 
in the year was published with an introduction by Dr. 
James Davie Butler in the annual Proceedings of that 
organization. 31 

Owing to his untimely death, Floyd's record is nec- 
essarily the briefest of all the journals kept on the ex- 
pedition. The first entry was made on May 13th and the 
last on August 18th, two days before the death of the 
Sergeant. These dates span a period of ninety-nine 

The journal of Floyd was written in a note-book 
bound in marble boards. It covers fifty-three pages, each 
5% °y 7% inches in size. The insides of the cover and 
the fly leaves are also written upon. Floyd wrote in a 
large coarse hand, easily distinguishable. From June 
22nd to the 26th inclusive the writing is partly in the hand 
of Captain William Clark. On June 25th and 26th en-, 

so Butler's The New-Found Journal of Charles Floyd, pp. 7-9. 
3i It was also published separately as a reprint. See note 30 above. 


tries were made by a third person. 32 The reason for 
these entries by persons other than Floyd is, no doubt, 
to be found in the closing words under the date of June 
25th. 33 Here we read "my hand is painfull", in the writ- 
ing of an unknown person. There is no hint as to the 
cause of the pain, yet the four words are enough to tell 
us that he had suffered some injury sufficient to cause 
him to seek aid in writing his record during this period 
of five days. The spelling and punctuation of the journal 
are not above reproach, and yet in these respects it com- 
pares very favorably with the journals of Lewis and 
Clark. It is valuable as a check upon the other journals 
which have been published and, indeed, throws new light 
upon a number of points — in addition to the fact that 
it enables us to settle some matters heretofore in dis- 
pute between the other journals. Its publication added 
greatly to the reputation of its author. 


The settlement of northwest Iowa began about 1850. 
The first railroad reached Sioux City in 1868. Gradu- 
ally the Missouri Eiver ceased to be the great highway 
of traffic and communication. The romantic period gave 
way to the commercial. The head-board and the foot- 
board placed on Floyd's grave in 1857, after the re-burial 
of that year, rotted down. Vegetation grew upon the 
grave, obliterating its outlines, and the location was lost. 
The discovery of the journal in 1893 and its publica- 
tion in 1894 revived interest in Floyd's grave. Sioux 
City's reputation was at stake and her old settlers be- 
stirred themselves. During the spring of 1895 several 
attempts made to locate the exact site of the grave of 
1857 failed before it was actually found on May 30th by 

3 2 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clarfc Expedition, 
Vol. VII, p. 3. 

33 See Floyd's Journal in Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis, 
and Clark Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 14. 


three prominent citizens. A larger number of witnesses 
being desired, the grave was not opened until June 1, 
1895, when in the presence of nineteen interested and re- 
sponsible parties the grave was entered and the remains 
identified. A careful record was kept of the events of 
this day. Fourteen men who had been present at the 
reburial in 1857 signed a formal certificate covering the 
facts and identifying the grave as that of Sergeant 
Charles Floyd. The remains of Floyd were taken in 
charge and shortly placed in two large earthenware urns 
and sealed up for the purpose of better preservation. 

Those persons present at the identification of the 
grave on June 6, 1895, were determined that it should 
not again be lost. Arrangements were made for a me- 
morial meeting to be held on August 20, 1895. On the ap- 
pointed day, which will be recognized as the ninety-first 
anniversary of the death of Floyd, before a large con- 
course of people who were addressed by prominent speak- 
ers, the grave was opened, the urns containing the bones 1 
were deposited, the grave re-filled, and a large stone slab, 
suitably inscribed, was placed flat upon the ground cover- 
ing the entire grave. 34 


The events of August 20, 1895, were important, not 
alone because the grave was appropriately marked, but 
because a new impetus was given to the purpose of erect- 
ing a monument which should still more fittingly com- 
memorate the services and death of Sergeant Floyd. We 
have already remarked that this matter was agitated in 
1857 at the time of the first re-burial of the remains, and 
that this early movement was fruitless. 

The present monument, dedicated in 1901, was erect- 
ed by the Floyd Memorial Association after years of 

3 * First Report of the Floyd Memorial Association, 1897, pp. 21-27. 


faithful endeavor. The first formal step in the organiza- 
tion of this association was taken on June 6, 1895, at the 
time of the re-discovery and identification of the grave 
after it had been lost for several years. The object of 
the association was two-fold. Its immediate purpose was 
to mark the grave in a more definite manner : its ultimate 
aim was to erect a monument. An executive committee 
appointed at the grave on June 6, 1895, was authorized 
to arrange for future meetings, to perfect an organiza- 
tion, and especially to plan memorial services to be held 
on August 20th. At these services the association ac- 
complished its immediate purpose of permanently mark- 
ing the grave by formally placing the slab already men- 
tioned. Articles of incorporation adopted three days 
earlier were signed by many persons upon this occasion. 35 

The organization now entered upon its final stage. 
The ultimate object of the association became its one 
great purpose. By-laws providing for regular and spe- 
cial meetings were adopted, the membership was increas- 
ed, and, in order to stimulate interest in the undertaking, 
a well compiled report of fifty-eight pages was printed 
and widely distributed. 

In 1899 Congress appropriated $5,000 and in the 
following year the State legislature of Iowa voted a like 
amount to be applied toward the erection of a monument. 
Sioux City and Woodbury County made appropriations. 
Private subscriptions were received. Valuable services 
were rendered gratis by the railroads and by the office 
force of the United States Engineer located at Sioux 
City. The total cost or value of the monument in money 
and services rendered amounts to nearly $20,000. 

The monument was built of white stone in the form 
of an Egyptian obelisk. In height it measures one hun- 
dred feet, but standing as it does upon Floyd's Bluff with 

35 First Report of the Floyd Memorial Association, 1897, pp. 27-38, 
43, 44, 55-58. 


its base one hundred and twenty-five feet above the river, 
it appears even higher. The foundation was begun on 
May 29, 1900, and the corner-stone laid on August 20th 
of the same year. The capstone which was placed on 
April 22, 1901, crowned not only the monument of Ser- 
geant Floyd but also the work of the Floyd Memorial 
Association with brilliant success. The dedication cere- 
monies were held upon Memorial Day, 1901. Thus the 
name of Sergeant Charles Floyd will be preserved to 
posterity. 36 

36 See the Second Beport of the Floyd Memorial Association, 1901. 


(St. Louis, Missouri, June 17, 18, 19, 1909) 

By Walter B. Douglas 

[Governor Herbert S. Hadley of Missouri, who was scheduled for 
this address, having been prevented from attending the meeting on account 
of illness, Mr. Walter B. Douglas, Vice President of the Missouri Historical 
Society, gave a brief address of welcome of which no repoirt was taken.] 


By Orin G. Libby 

On behalf of the Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- 
ciation, I thank the citizens of this place and especially 
the members of the Missouri Historical Society for the 
very cordial welcome which we have received at their 
hands. While we feel that the meeting here is somewhat 
of an experiment both for us and for you, of one thing 
we are certain — The Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- 
ciation has passed the stage of experiment and has come 
to have a place to fill and a work to do. The Mississippi 
Valley is large enough and has sufficiently varied and 
important interests to demand and enjoy proper recogni- 
tion. What its conservation problems are we shall hear 
from the gentleman who is to make the principal address 
this evening. Physiographically it is individual ; biologi- 
cally it is distinct — we might almost say unique — among 
all the regions of the continent. The ethnological and 
archaeological problems of the Valley call for new appli- 
cation of old principles ; for here is a world of new phe- 
nomena clearly differentiated from what has hitherto 
been observed. 


But the greatest popular interest will ever be asso- 
ciated with the history of this wonderful region. Though 
the white man has occupied it but a few years, events of 
prime importance to the human race have transpired 
within its limits. The lure of its boundless wealth and 
the fascination of the unknown in its limitless plains and 
mighty rivers drew La Salle and Verendrye and a long 
line of illustrious contemporaries and successors to spend 
their lives and fortunes in "laborious days' ' trying to 
solve its mysteries and to subdue its untamed savagery. 
The story of the explorer, the buffalo hunter, the trap- 
per, the fur-trader, the gold seeker, and the Indian fighter 
of the Mississippi Valley, has not yet been written. When 
this marvelous chapter of our national history is com- 
pleted and there has been added also the equally wonder- 
ful chapter on western settlement, so that we may realize 
with what national birth throes our new Commonwealths 
have come into existence, we shall never be able again to 
read with the same interest the lesser tales of John 
Smith, Miles Standish, and Eoger Williams, nor believe 
with quite the same old fervor in the fundamental and 
saving virtues of Plymouth Eock. I say this with no 
desire to disparage the record of the East — which I am 
proud to own as my ancestral home — but in simple jus- 
tice to the noble men and women of the West. I say it 
too, because I believe that here is the real center of our 
national life and that here is to be the twentieth century 
battle ground upon which will be fought out the great 
questions that confront our nation to-day. 

Historians are coming to see and to state more clear 
ly year by year, in 'a great variety of forms, that basic 
fact in our development that we first became a natior 
and not a group of petty sovereignties at the time whei 
our citizens had entered, consciously, into the great herit 
age of the Mississippi Valley. It was this consciousness 
of unbounded opportunity and immensity of elementa 


force so clearly manifested to them that drew the Ameri- 
can people and the foreign immigrant out of the old en- 
vironment into a world so vast that it became impossible 
to live on any longer as they had been wont to do. They 
felt themselves standing, as it were, on the verge of a 
far-stretching ocean whose wave beats thrilled them with 
the awful mystery of power without bound or bar. Puri- 
tan theocratic systems, Virginian aristocracy, old world 
pettiness and self-sufficiency, all vanished like fog before 
the sun; national self -hood was ours from that moment. 

If to Jefferson's prophetic vision, we owe the Mis- 
sissippi Valley in its entirety, at least we must acknowl- 
edge that Andrew Jackson first taught its people the irre- 
sistible might of western democracy; while to Abraham 
Lincoln we ascribe the wise leadership in the grandest 
achievement of the West, the healing of the brothers' 

Should the Mississippi Valley Plistorical Association 
desire to find its place in this great section and do work 
worthy of its opportunities here, its members must take 
a generous view of their task. The characteristics of our 
life, the peculiar phases of industrial growth in this sec- 
tion, the political, social, and educational problems in 
these great cities that stretch east and west, and north 
and south across the Valley, all these and many others 
present in part or in the whole a most fascinating field 
for the historian, the sociologist, the educator, or the 
political scientist. But in doing one thing well, we can 
not afford to lose sight of the general plan, nor in work- 
ing in the large can we sneer at the painful toil required 
to finish completely something comparatively insignifi- 
cant. We must be tolerant enough to take into our field 
of vision the planetessimal theory of the universe and 
the vanishing language of a well nigh extinct Indian 
tribe or the facts as to the location of a trading post on 
the Missouri Eiver. We must bear in mind, also, that 


American history has already passed its purely New 
England phase, and that the first tentative approaches 
have been made toward writing history broad enough to 
include some of the national features characteristic of 
Mississippi Valley development. 

Our function, as members of this Association, must 
be to bring out and reiterate with unmistakable emphasis 
the many lines of progress and experiment peculiarly our 
own. The period of Mississippi Valley colonial history 
has not wholly passed ; our Indian question is not solved ; 
in many States great masses of foreign population lie all 
unassimilated ; and differentiated industry is not yet tra- 
ditional amongst us nor is capital yet fully intrenched 
in our local politics. These and many other nation-mak- 
ing processes are going on all about us here; to record 
them is still our privilege and our peculiar province. For 
this reason I am inclined to maintain that we are, and 
must yet for some time continue to be, more interested 
in American history than in European or Ancient history. 
This may be provincial and temporary, but it is still un- 
deniable. Without pretense or apology, therefore, let us 
not neglect our own national and local records, be they 
what they may. History, like charity, for us, at least, 
should begin at home. In this way, and in no other, as 
I see it, will it be possible to produce in permanent form 
a complete and well-rounded national history, the writing 
of which, in friendly emulation and in cooperative labor, 
should be one of the well-considered goals constantly 
before the members of this Association. 


By Ernest M. Pollard 

The natural resources of the Mississippi Valley are 
varied and of almost inestimable value. The forest and 
mineral resources, and the waterways for use in the gen- 
eration of power as well as for navigation, are of great 
value. Any one of these resources is of sufficient im- 
portance to occupy an evening's discussion. The one 
great resource of the Mississippi Valley, however, the 
one that overshadows all others in importance is that of 
the farm. The natural resources of the soil are greater 
than all others combined. The Mississippi Valley com- 
prises by far the largest portion of the great agricultural 
belt of the United States. From the Mississippi Valley 
comes a very large per cent — about seventy-five per 
cent — of all the products of the farms. 

In the discussion to-night I desire to confine myself 
to the resources of the farms of this great Valley. The 
total production last year of all the farms of the United 
States was worth approximately $8,000,000,000. The 
total production of all the farms, of all the forests, of all 
the mines, and of all the factories of the United States 
last year was worth approximately $26,000,000,000. 
Over thirty per cent of this amount was produced on 
the farms. Of the eight billion dollars worth of farm 
products last year, aside from cotton, about eighty per 
cent came from the Mississippi Valley. Thus you can 
readily see that the subject of my address is one of great 
consequence not only to the people who inhabit this Val- 
ley but to the whole United States. The basis of the 


future prosperity of the Eepublic rests upon agriculture. 
The prosperity of the farmer means the prosperity of the 
Nation. The toiler in the factory, in the mine, and in the 
forest must look to the farmer for his food supply, as 
well as for a market for a large per cent of the products 
of his labor. 

Since the prosperity of the Nation is dependent upon 
the prosperity of the farmer, it is well for us to take an 
inventory of the resources of the farm, endeavoring to 
determine, if possible, whether these resources are being 
properly conserved. The American Eepublic is still in 
its early youth, if not in its infancy, when viewed from 
the standpoint of the life of nations. It is scarcely three 
centuries since the first settlements were made in North 
America ; and yet within one hundred miles of these first 
settlements in old Virginia, what was once good farm 
land can to-day be bought for ten dollars an acre. This 
same land at one time sold for from sixty to seventy 
dollars an acre. Farm lands as a rule in those portions 
of the United States that were settled by the early pio- 
neers in the North Atlantic and New England States are 
much cheaper to-day than they were fifty or even twenty- 
five years ago. Many farms in these States that were 
once productive, supporting large families in comfort 
and with a moderate degree of prosperity, are to-day 

One of the problems which to-day confront the De- 
partment of Agriculture of the United States, as well as 
the State experiment stations of this region, is the re- 
clamation of these farms to agriculture. The production 
of these farms has been on the decline even in the face 
of the application of millions of dollars worth of com- 
mercial fertilizers. Indeed, without the use of these com- 
mercial fertilizers profitable agriculture in this region 
would be practically unknown. The small State of South 
Carolina alone expended last year for commercial fer- 


tilizers about $10,000,000. While I have not the figures 
at hand to show the value of fertilizers used by other 
States in this region, I think it is safe to say that not 
many of them use less than the State of South Carolina. 
Millions of dollars worth of commercial fertilizers are 
used every year in this region upon impoverished soils 
to make farming at all profitable. 

Moving westward from the north Atlantic States 
into the great Mississippi Valley we find history begin- 
ning to repeat itself. Excluding those lands that have 
been reclaimed by the drainage of swamp lands in the 
eastern portion of the Mississippi Valley, which were 
first brought under cultivation, we find the fertility of the 
soil much impaired. This is especially true of those lands 
that have been given over to the production of cereals. 
Bear in mind that the moment you leave the western 
slope of the Alleghanies and approach the Mississippi 
Valley the soils are similar to those found in the interior. 
Nor should you forget that in the eastern part of this 
region, notably in Ohio and in Indiana, the lands have 
been under cultivation for less than a century. The 
production of the wheat fields of the Northwest has de- 
clined at least one-half in the last twenty-five years. The 
question arises whether the continuous growing of grain 
crops throughout the Mississippi Valley will not result 
in the decline of the productiveness of the farms, as it 
has done in the Atlantic and New England States, as well 
as in Indiana and Ohio and in the wheat growing States 
of the Northwest. If the same methods of cultivation 
are followed here that have been practiced there, the 
same results will be inevitable. 

Cyril G. Hopkins, Professor of Agronomy and Chem- 
istry of the University of Illinois experiment station, 
says: "We must not deceive ourselves with general 
statistics which show some increase in average crop 
yields in some States. Thus, in the new State of Illinois 


the average yield of corn has increased in the past ten 
years, but this does not prove that Illinois soils are grow- 
ing richer. During the past ten years the annual corn 
area of Illinois has increased from seven million acres 
to nine million acres, and the added two million acres are 
the richest black soils of the State, reclaimed by dredge 
ditching and the tile drainage; while the seven million 
acres are producing smaller crops than ten years ago." 
Conditions described by Professor Hopkins in Illi- 
nois, I take it, can be found in all the States of the Mis- 
sissippi Valley. We are sometimes reminded that in 
Germany, on soils that have been under cultivation for 
several centuries, more wheat is produced to the acre 
than in the United States. We are also reminded that 
the same conditions prevail in England, in France, in 
Belgium, in Holland, and in Denmark. For a moment let 
us examine the trade reports of one or two of these coun- 
tries. Germany produces one hundred and twenty-five 
million bushels of wheat. In addition to this she imports 
seventy-five million bushels of wheat, forty million bush- 
els of corn, and about one billion pounds of oil cake, and 
other food stuffs from which manures are made. Great 
care is taken that this manure is returned to the farms. 
Her exports are two billion pounds of sugar, and other 
manufactured articles that contain little or no plant food. 
Denmark produces four million bushels of wheat; she 
imports five million bushels of wheat, fifteen million 
bushels of corn, eight hundred million pounds of oil cake, 
and other food stuffs, phosphates, etc. She exports one 
hundred and seventy-five million pounds of butter and 
other manufactured products that contain no plant food. 
What is true of Germany and Denmark is also true of 
other European countries which show larger yields of 
cereals than is shown by American farms. These coun- 
tries not only consume the food products from their own 
farms, but import hundreds of millions of dollars worth 


of food products from our farms that are rich in nitrogen, 
potassium and phosphorus. These are the elements that 
constitute the plant food for our growing crops. One of 
the causes of the decline in the fertility of the American 
farm is due to the fact that we are continually taking 
from the land all we can possibly get out of the soil and 
putting nothing back. We have been drawing upon na- 
ture's bank account without any thought of a possibility 
of over-drawing this account. Nature has indeed been 
kind and generous in cashing our checks. Here and 
there, however, we find instances even in this rich and 
fertile valley where nature has begun to discount these 

We have heard much of late about the conservation 
of our natural resources, about the conservation of our 
minerals, and our forests; but in my opinion the one 
question that concerns the people of this Valley more 
than any other is the conservation of the fertility of the 
soil. If the people of the Mississippi Valley desire to 
escape the necessity of the application of millions upon 
millions of dollars worth of commercial fertilizers, not 
in order to enable the farmer to remain prosperous but 
to keep the wolf from the door, we must profit by the 
mistakes of our neighbors to the east of us and begin to 
conserve the fertility of these wondrously rich prairies. 

Let us take an inventory of the plant food contained 
in our soils. There are three chief elements of plant food 
in our soils that have a recognized market value — nitro- 
gen, phosphorus and potassium. The inventory of the 
natural resources of the soil must include these three ele- 
ments of plant food. According to a statement emanating 
from the geographical survey, from two thousand one hun- 
dred and ten samples of soil of the earth's crust, taken 
from various parts of the United States, there is sufficient 
potassium in the first seven inches of an acre of land to 
produce one hundred bushels of corn every year for 2,590 


years, providing the corn stalks are returned to the soil. 
Potassium is one of the abundant elements of our soil that 
are apparently inexhaustible. While the supply of potas- 
sium is almost without limit, we find that the same is not 
true of nitrogen and phosphorus. There is no more ni- 
trogen and phosphorus in the first seven inches of the 
acre of soil than would be required to produce one hun- 
dred bushels of corn continuously for the full lifetime of 
one man. Without the presence of nitrogen and phos- 
phorus in abundant quantities, it is impossible to produce 
large or even fair crops of grain. 

Scientists tell us that there is enough nitrogen in 
the atmosphere above every acre of land to produce 100 
bushels of corn a year for 700,000 years. The agricul- 
tural scientist has discovered that it is not difficult to 
draw upon this almost inexhaustible supply of nitrogen 
to supply plant food for the growing crops. By the 
planting of legumes — clover and alfalfa — it is possible 
to restore nitrogen to the soil. While the farmer is grow 
ing a profitable crop of these legumes, he is at the same 
time refertilizing the soil. While alfalfa and clover con- 
sume more nitrogen in plant food than any other crop, 
yet a chemical analysis of a field made just before plant 
ing into clover and alfalfa, and another analysis made 
four or five years later show that the nitrogen content 
of the soil has increased materially. 

To preserve the phosphorus element of the soil is 
more difficult, since there is not an inexhaustible supply 
near at hand to draw from as in the case of nitrogen 
Leguminous crops are rich both in nitrogen and phos 
phorus. In three and one-half tons of clover and alfalfa 
hay there is as much phosphorus and forty pounds more 
nitrogen than in one hundred bushels of corn. If the 
crop is fed to live stock on the farm, one-fourth of the 
nitrogen is taken up in the flesh and bone of the animals 


and three-fourths passes off in the solid and liquid excre- 

Where this excrement or manure is again returned 
to the field it carries not only nitrogen but phosphorus 
and potassium to the soil. The profligate waste of manure 
throughout the grain belt is appalling. Very few farmers 
practice saving the manure and returning it to the soil. 
Agriculture as generally practiced throughout this Valley 
robs the soil of both nitrogen and phosphorus and returns 
very little of either in any form. The average value of 
a fresh ton of farm manure is $2.25. There are millions 
upon millions of tons of this rich farm manure going to 
waste each year, which ought by all means to be returned 
to the soil. Unless the farmer of the Mississippi Valley 
discontinues this practice of year after year taking from 
the soil these valuable plant foods without ever replen- 
ishing it, he can expect a gradual decline in its produc- 

During the last ten years there has been a great 
awakening, among the more progressive agriculturists, 
to the importance of preserving the fertility of the soil 
of our farms. The United States Department of Agri- 
culture, working in conjunction with the agricultural ex- 
periment stations of the various States of the Union, has 
done much toward disseminating useful and valuable in- 
formation among the farmers of the country. The first 
step in this movement was found in a rotation of crops. 
Prior to the last ten years it was not uncommon for farm- 
ers to continue planting the same crop year after year. 
There was little if any rotation of crops, even in the 
cereals. I know farms in Nebraska that have produced 
orn continuously on the same land for forty years. It 
is little wonder that these farms are being worn out. 
jit was this system of farming that reduced the yield of 
he wheat fields of the Northwest from thirty and forty 
bushels to the acre down to ten and fifteen bushels. 


Through the impetus emanating from the agricultural 
colleges and experiment stations farmers have been 
taught and are beginning to practice not only the rotation 
of grain crops but the permitting of the land to rest by 
being planted in legumes. While the average farmer! 
does not understand the scientific process through which 
the soil passes in the restoration of its fertility through a 
rotation of crops with legumes, yet he is beginning to un- 
derstand that such a system of farming increases the pro- 
ductiveness of his farm to a very marked degree. The! 
more progressive and up-to-date farmers in the Mississip- 
pi Valley are beginning to adopt this method of farming. 
Not only does a rotation of legumes with grain crops in- 
crease the fertility of the soil, but the introduction of hu- 
mus and other vegetable matter which retards erosion 
which is contributing freely to the exhaustion of the 
fertility of our soil — also has beneficial effects. The ap- 
plication of farm manure aids also in the prevention of 
erosion. The practice that is common in some parts of 
the Valley of selling all of the grain at the elevator ought 
to be discouraged. Through this system of farming very 
little manure accumulates to be returned to the farm 
No opportunity is afforded of rotating grain crops with 
legumes to preserve the fertility of the soil. Says Pro 
fessor Hopkins, of the University of Illinois: 

A large crop of corn, 100 bushels to the acre, will contain 
about 100 pounds of nitrogen in the grain and 48 pounds in the 
stalks, 17 pounds of phosphorus in the grain and 6 pounds in 
the stalks, 19 pounds of potassium in the grain and 52 pounds is 
the stalks. Quite similar relations exist between the grain and 
straw of other crops. 

Now, with these facts in mind, it is plain to see that 
system of farming by which the grain is sold and only the stalks 
and straw kept on the farm and returned to the soil carries oil 
in the grain much of the nitrogen and phosphorus. In both a\ 
these elements most soils are more or less deficient, while th( 
potassium, of which the normal soil contains an almost inex 


haustible supply, enough in the first 7 inches for 100 bushels 
of corn per acre for seventeen centuries, is largely returned in 
the straw and stalks. 

It is, of course, apparent that such a system of farm- 
ing cannot long be continued without impairing the pro- 
ductiveness of the farm. In my opinion, we should re- 
turn to the old New England rule, that is, sell nothing 
from the farm but the finished product. It is gratifying 
to note that dairying is gaining a foothold throughout 
the great farming belt. Dairying and the raising of hogs 
and cattle to consume the grain on the farm is not only 
of itself profitable, but it results in a supply of great 
quantities of rich farm-yard manure, which, if returned 
to the soil, with the rotation of our grain crops with 
legumes will preserve our farms as productive and as 
rich as they were in their virgin state. It is estimated 
that there are something like 60 million acres of swamp 
land in the humid portion of the Mississippi Valley that 
are capable of being reclaimed by ditching or tiling. A 
very large portion of this land was ceded by Congress to 
the various States on condition that they would bring 
this land under cultivation. A comparatively small 
amount of this land has been reclaimed. In my opinion 
the States ought to take hold of this problem and fulfil 
their obligations to the government. I believe that it is a 
istake for the States to await the action of Congress. 
The government ought not to interfere or ought not to 
oarticipate in any work which the States themselves can 
io just as well. The people of Indiana, Illinois, and 
Minnesota have set a good example in this work, and I 
rust that the rest of the States in this Valley will take 
ip this problem and solve it each in its own way. Here 
s a great natural resource capable of supporting hun- 
Ireds of thousands of families, and adding hundreds of 
nillions of dollars of wealth to the Nation. There are 
tlso many millions of acres of land in the arid and semi- 


arid portions of the Mississippi Valley that can be re- 
claimed either by irrigaton or by the introduction of 
cultural methods of farming that are especially adapted 
to this region. The United States Department of Agri- 
culture has established a series of experiment stations 
throughout the country from Canada on the north to 
Mexico on the south, covering the whole of the semi-arid 

Successful agriculture in this country is as yet un- 
certain. Information secured, however, from these ex- 
periment stations will, I feel confident, result in the! 
introduction not only of new systems of cultivation but! 
also of new crops that will prove successful in this region.! 
About ten years ago the United States Department of 
Agriculture introduced Durham or macaroni wheat, 
which matures with a very small amount of rainfall. This 
wheat is being quite generally grown in this semi-arid 
area and with the best of success. The value of this crop 
last year was forty millions of dollars. A new species 
of alfalfa has also been introduced which thrives on a 
small amount of rainfall. Experts from the United 
States Department of Agriculture are now scouring th( 
cold barren regions of Siberia and the desert plains oi 
Prussia for new plants that will be adapted to the semi 
arid plains of the West and Northwest. The cultura 
problems and the crop species problems that are now be 
ing worked out in this chain of experiment stations wil 
in my opinion result in the reclamation of practically al 
of the semi-arid region. 

The completion of the great irrigation projects th< 
Government now has under way, looking to the conser 
vation and utilization of the water resulting from th<| 
snow melting in the Eocky Mountains, in the reclamatioi 
of the arid plains on the Eastern slope of these moun 
tains will furnish comfortable, happy homes for hundred 
of thousands of families of our people. I think ther 


is much to be thankful for in the progress that has been 
made in the past ten years looking to the conservation of 
the natural resources of the farm. The agricultural col- 
leges, State experiment stations, and the United States 
Department of Agriculture, all working together hand in 
hand in the solution of the problems of conservation, are 
sure to meet with success. In this connection I cannot 
refrain from expressing my appreciation of the valuable 
services of the present Secretary of Agriculture, Hon. 
James Wilson of Iowa, in stimulating scientific research 
that has proven of such great practical value to the farm- 
er. He has gathered about him a corps of scientific agri- 
cultural experts, working in conjunction with scientific 
men, in the agricultural colleges and State experiment 
stations, who are solving these problems of the farmer. 
If the agricultural science advances in the next decade 
as it has in the past, not only will the present fertility of 
the soil be preserved but it will be even richer than it is 
to-day. As soon as the American farmer awakens to the 
importance of following these well established methods 
of scientific agriculture, the fertility of the soil will not 
only be conserved but there will be an increase in the 
present production of the farms. 

Dr. B. T. Galloway, the chief of the Bureau of the 
Plant Industry of the Department of Agriculture at 
Washington, tells me that if the farmers of the United 
States would adopt and practice cultural methods that 
have been worked out and proven to be successful and 
practical, not only in the experiment stations, but also on 
the farm on a large scale, the productiveness of the farms 
would be increased from twenty to fifty per cent, and with 
a very slight increase in labor. 

The natural resources of the farm are different from 
the natural resources of the forest or the mine. When 
once all of the minerals are removed from the mountain, 
it takes multiplied centuries to make more ; when the for- 


ests are depleted, it takes at least half a century to grow 
another crop of timber; but under proper methods of 
tillage and farm management the productiveness of the 
farm can be conserved year after year without any appre- 
ciable reduction in its productiveness. 

Fortunate, indeed, is the man who owns a farm in 
this great Mississippi Valley. In that farm, if its nat- 
ural resources are properly conserved, he has an estate 
that he can leave to his children and his children's chil- 
dren without impairment of its productiveness. Not only! 
that, the man who owns a farm in this beautiful Valley, j 
if he be but enterprising and thrifty, has the opportunity 
to make for himself the ideal home and the ideal place 
to raise a family, with plenty of room, plenty of sunshine, 
plenty of genuine comfort, independent of all the world, 
and in the midst of nature with all of its beauty and 
grandeur. I have in mind a farm home in south-eastern 
Nebraska not far from where I live that to my mind is 
the ideal American home. This home is situated on one 
of Nebraska's best farms. A two-story house, furnished 
with all modern improvements, having its own water 
works, hot water heat, acetylene gas for lighting, and a) 
beautiful lawn in front, kept closely mown, and a flowe 
garden in the background with all kinds of beautiful rose 
and other flowering plants. You can visit this home anyi 
time during the summer and you will see a bouquet oi 
the most beautiful flowers on the center table, filling the 
home with its fragrance. An orchard is near at hand 
with blackberry and raspberry patches and a strawberry 
including peaches, cherries, plums, pears, and apples 
bed near by. The visitor invited to dine with this f amilj 
finds a table laden with Nebraska's most luscious fruits 
A family of children is grown to manhood and woman 
hood. The father and mother are now spending a life oi 
ease in the midst of these beautiful surroundings, enjoy 
ing the comforts of old age. Will anyone gainsay tha 


such is the ideal American home? Were there more such 
farm homes in this beautiful Mississippi Valley, there 
would be fewer boys and fewer girls leaving the farm to 
swell the population of the already over-crowded centers 
of population to be swallowed up in the turmoil and in the 
oblivion of life in a great city. 


By James Mooney 

[This subject was discussed by Mr. Mooney without manuscript or 
notes. No stenographic report was taken of his remarks.] 


By John E. Swanton 

A sharp line of demarcation is to be drawn between 
the Indian tribes which inhabited most of our southern 
States and those of the north. This line, however, is 
drawn considerably south of the boundary between the 
northern and southern States, and may perhaps be placed 
at the thirty-fourth parallel of latitude — one degree 
south of the southern boundary of Tennessee. The 
eastern part of our country is thus divided into two very 
unequal portions, and if we limit ourselves to the Missis 
sippi Valley the disparity in size between the southern 
and northern divisions becomes still greater. But what 
the southern Indians lacked in extent of territory they 
made up in numbers, culture, and historical prominence. 
North of the line I have suggested the ethnological prob- 
lems are concerned almost entirely with three great lin-l 
guistic stocks or families — the Algonquian, Iroquoian 
and Siouan — while south of the line the multiplicity is 
much greater. 

The largest family of tribes in the South was the 
Muskhogean, which, when encountered by Europeans 
extended from the Atlantic Ocean and the Savannal 


Eiver to the Mississippi and in some places slightly be- 
yond. To the northwest they reached the mouth of the 
Ohio, but on the northeast they did not extend much 
beyond the present site of Atlanta, Georgia, being held 
back by the Cherokee. Southward they were bounded by 
the gulf except in two places; but it was not until long 
after their contact with whites that they possessed them- 
selves of the peninsula of Florida. The largest and best 
known Muskhogean tribes were the Choctaw of southeast- 
ern Mississippi and southwestern Alabama, the Chicka- 
saw of northern Mississippi and western Tennessee, the 
Apalachee of Apalachee Bay, Florida, the Yamasi of the 
Atlantic coast, and the Creeks. The Creeks, however, 
were not a tribe but a confederacy, of which the leading 
member — often called Creeks owing to their predom- 
inance — were the Muskogee ; but in addition there were 
the Alibamo, Koasati, Tuskegee, Hitciti, Mikasuki, and 
some others. The Creeks are generally distinguished 
into upper Creeks, that is, those living on the Coosa and 
Tallapoosa rivers, and the lower Creeks living on the 
Chattahoochee and Flint rivers. But sometimes the 
Tallapoosa Indians were called Middle Creeks, and Tal- 
lapoosa was often used as a tribal name. Along the 
coast of the Gulf of Mexico was a fringe of smaller tribes. 
On Apalachicola Eiver were several bands known collect- 
ively by the same name as the river, though subsequent- 
ly some of these, such as the Tawasa and Chatot, received 
'considerable independent notice. Others were the Pensa- 
icola, Tohome, Mobile, Naniaba, Pascagoula, Acolapissa, 
Tangipahoa, Quinipissa, Bayogoula, Washa, Chawasha, 
and Okelousa — the last five westward of the Mississippi. 
The affinity of some of these is however still doubtful. 
jOn the upper Yazoo was another group of independent 
tribes of which the principal was the Chakchiuma or Red 
Crawfish Indians. Opposite the mouth of Eed Eiver 
were the Houma, a branch of those last mentioned. 


On the Mississippi River from the Big Black Eiver 
to Red River, and on the lower course of Red River it- 
self was a small but important group of tribes named 
from their principal member, the Natchez group. This 
was originally thought to form a distinct stock, but the 
late Dr. Brinton considered he had established its rela- 
tionship to the Muskhogean languages ; and I believe my 
own researches have served to place the fact beyond rea- 
sonable doubt. The remaining tribes of this group were 
the Taensa of Lake St. Joseph, and the little known tribe 
of Avoyel. 

The stock second in importance is the Caddoan. This 
is best known from two northern branches, the Pawnee 
of Nebraska, and the Arikara of North Dakota, which 
are outside of the area which forms the proper subject 
of this discussion ; but the main body of the people were 
originally in northeastern Texas, northwestern Louisi- 
ana, southeastern Oklahoma, and southwestern Arkan- 
sas. Within this area there were three principal divi- 
sions; (1) the Wichita and its branches, the TawakoniJ 
and Waco, occupying the northern part of the area out- 
lined; (2) the Kichai south of the Wichita along the 
Trinity; and (3) the Caddo proper in the remaining ter- 
ritory. Although separated by alien tribes the first two 
of these were connected more closely with the Pawnee 
than with the Caddo. Among the Caddo there were twc 
principal groups of tribes or confederacies — one usually 
called the Hasinai in eastern Texas between the Uppei 
Neches and the Trinity and the other centering abou 
the Kadohadacho on lakes Sodo and Caddo in north 
western Louisiana. Smaller bands spread away fron 
these as far east as the Washita River and almost as fa: 
north as the Arkansas. On either side of the Middl 
Sabine were two small tribes called Adai, and Eyeistl f)j 
which spoke languages very different from the resl 
one of which was believed at one time to constitute a 


independent stock. This difference was perhaps due to 
intermixture with coast peoples. 

On the lower Yazoo, the neighboring course of the 
Mississippi, and the low country westward as far as the 
Washita was a small group of tribes, which were prob- 
ably related, although the language of only one, the Tuni- 
ca, is known. These were (besides the Tunica) the Yazoo 
and Koroa, and the Tiou and Grigra who lived as subject 
tribes among the Natchez. When La Salle and Tonti 
descended the Mississippi in 1682 there was a Koroa town 
as far south as Fort Adams, but it had disappeared in 

About Grand Lake and the lower part of Bayou 
Teche, southern Louisiana, were the Chitimacha who 
constituted a stock by themselves. 

West of the Chitimacha, from Vermillion Bay to 
Galveston Bay and the lower Trinity, was still another 
stock which we call Atakapa from the name usually ap- 
plied to the people living there by their Choctaw neigh- 
bors, though it was an opprobrious epithet signifying 
"man eater". The only names different from these in 
this area probably belonged to subdivisions. They are 
the Opelousa, near the city of that name in Louisiana, 
and the Akokisa of the lower Trinity. Researches by 
Professor Bolton of the University of Texas seem to 
indicate that some other tribes of central Texas, such 
as the Bidai, Deadoses, etc., belonged to the same group. 

Continuing westward we find on the coast a group 
of five or six tribes, called from one of their number 
Karankawan and extending from about the site of Gal- 
veston nearly to the mouth of the Nueces River. Inland 
from these, between the Trinity and Cibolo Creek, was 
another group named in the same way Tonkawan. And 
beyond both from Cibolo Creek and the Nueces to the 
central part of the Mexican State of Coahuila extended 
a larger family which has been called Coahuiltecan, 


though perhaps a better name would have been Pakawan, 
that applied by Dr. Gatschet. Finally, in the Mexi- 
can State of Tamaulipas there appear to have been 
three small families, called Tamaulipecan, Janambrian, 
and Olivean — the last of which embraces a single tribe 
brought back from Texas in very early days by a Spanish 
expedition. This enumeration brings us to the Huastec 
of Panuco, a Mayan offshoot, and the Nahuatlan tribes 
of north central Mexico, in other words to the strictly 
Mexican tribes. 

Returning now to the extreme east we find the Flor- 
ida Peninsula occupied by an independent stock called 
Timuquanan, from the principal tribe which the Span- 
iards encountered there ; and farther north on the middle 
course of the Savannah was another, the Uchean, embrac- 
ing the Yuchi tribe. Higher up the Savannah Eiver a 
band of Shawnee are encountered belonging to the Algon- 
quian stock ; and beyond were the Cherokee and a number 
of Siouan tribes. These lie outside of the area now under 
discussion, but two small Siouan tribes had at some 
remote period forced their way southward and settled 
within it — one, the Of o, upon the Yazoo River, and the 
other, the Biloxi, upon the lower course of Pascagoula 
River and the neighboring coast of the Gulf of Mexico. 

Although De Soto and Cabeza de Vaca early in 
the sixteenth century found most of the tribes we have 
just considered in substantially the same positions 
which they occupied at the beginning of the eight- 
eenth century practically every tribe of the Musk- 
hogean stock, the largest east of the Mississippi, had 
a definite tradition of migration from the West. This 
tradition was at least shared by the Choctaw, Chickasaw, 
Muskogee, Alibamu, Hitciti, and Yamasi. Sometimes we 
are told that the Choctaw and Chickasaw came out of the 
ground at the famous hill of Nanih waya, in the southern 
part of Winston County, Mississippi, at the sources of 


Pearl Biver; but according to the earlier form of the 
legend they reached to that place from the westward. 
This tradition is an added argument for affiliating the 
Natchez with these tribes, since similar traditions regard- 
ing them were recorded by Du Pratz and the missionary 
De La Vente. The story often localizes the Muskhogean 
place of origin more definitely at a certain point on the 
Red River, but all that we can say is that evidence points 
to their having crossed the Mississippi somewhere be- 
tween the mouths of the Yazoo and Arkansas rivers. The 
Chakchiuma appear to have been a rear guard to this 
movement, next in front of whom came the Choctaw and 
Chickasaw, who spread south and north respectively, still 
farther in front were the Alibamu and Koasati, beyond 
them the Hitciti, Mikasuki, and Apalachicola tribes, then 
the Apalachee, and finally the Yamasi. Meanwhile small- 
er bands spread south to Pensacola and Mobile bays, 
Pascagoula and Pearl rivers; while still others eddying 
round as it were to the southwest reached the Mississippi 
and even recrossed it. It was probably during this east- 
ward march that they encountered and swept along with 
them the two little Siouan tribes that I have mentioned. 
Meantime the Muskogee had kept farther to the north and 
sufficiently remote from their relations to acquire a dialect 
markedly different from the others. Presently, however, 
they began to move southeastward, entered the valleys 
of the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers where they found the 
Alibamu and Koasati and acquired a dominating position 
over them and presently crossed to the Chattahoochee 
and Flint, where they came to occupy a similar position 
with regard to the Hitciti and their allies. 

The Muskogee were thus to the Creek confederacy 
like the nucleus of a rolling snowball gathering up the 
smaller tribes by its superiority in numbers and warlike 
character. We are not to think of the position of the 
Muskogee to these subordinate tribes as of conquerors to 


conquered in the oriental sense. They owed their domina- 
ting position purely to numbers, warlike character, and 
perhaps superior social regulations, and probably looked 
down upon the other tribes in proportion ; but in matters 
of war or peace there was no more compulsion exercised 
and little more unity than between the different towns 
and villages of the Choctaw or Dakota. There was no 
doubt a beginning of nationality there which would make 
an excellent study for some student of the evolution of 
government, but it was a very feeble one. It had not 
attained to the in all ways remarkable perfection of the 
Iroquois league. 

The writer regards the Natchez as representing the 
advance guard of Muskhogean tribes, although the ones 
which remained farthest behind, allowing the other repre- 
sentatives of the stock to push on east of them. They 
had probably pursued a more southern course in their 
travels. The Taensa and Avoyel were both late offshoots 
from the Natchez — the latter having broken off so re- 
cently as to retain the tradition regarding it recorded 
in Penicaut. 

Circumstantial evidence and tradition unite in mak- 
ing the Pawnee a southern tribe separated from the 
Wichita at some prehistoric period; and the separation 
of the Arikara from the Skidi Pawnee is so recent as to 
be almost a matter of history. Eegarding the Caddoan 
tribes themselves the best informed students are inclined 
to assign them a western or southwestern origin, and 
think they have reasons for believing that they had at 
one time been in contact with the Pueblo Indians of New 

We now have to inquire into the origin of the small 
stocks of the Mississippi Valley and G-ulf Coast. From 
his investigations regarding the languages of the Chiti- 
macha, Atakapa, and Tunica, the writer is of the opinion 
that, although differing very widely at the present time, 


a connection exists between them — more closely between 
the Chitimacha and Atakapa, but also between these two 
and the Tunica. Moreover, certain linguistic features 
common to them crop out in the languages of the Ton- 
kawa, Karankawa, and Pakawan tribes, suggesting that 
what must at present be regarded as so many independent 
stocks may have originally been dialects of an ancient 
common tongue. According to Choctaw and Chickasaw 
tradition there was an old Tunica settlement in north- 
western Mississippi near Friar Point, and the site of this 
village determined the boundary between the Choctaw 
and Chickasaw nations. If true this would seem to indi- 
cate that the Tunica had formerly lived higher up the 
Mississippi Eiver than the position they occupied in La 
Salle's time. The only Chitimacha tradition preserved 
to us points to Natchez as the earlier seat of their nation ; 
and this recalls to mind Du Pratz's statement that the 
Natchez and Chitimacha were called "brothers" and were 
supposed to be related by language — an evident error, 
although deeper studies into the speech of the two peoples 
will perhaps show unsuspected affinities. The only sug- 
gestion of an Atakapa migration legend is contained in 
their flood myth which relates that those who were saved 
descended upon a mountain which appeared to Duralde, 
the recorder of this myth, the mountains of San Antonio. 

If the Yuchi of Savannah Eiver and the Timucua of 
Florida had any migration legends I am ignorant of them. 
Nor am I sufficiently familiar with the languages spoken 
by these peoples to form any theory as to their affinities 
and probable history. 

Such were the tribes of the lower Mississippi and 
Gulf region. Like anthropological investigations in all 
parts of the world researches among them have the double 
purpose of discovering the nature of the people in them- 
selves considered and of enabling us to learn their past 
history and finally their origin. These two purposes, it 


is true, supplement each other and are of mutual assist- 
ance ; but to representatives of historical societies, I take 
it that the principal interest is an historical one. What 
do we know then, or what do we have reason for believing, 
regarding the past history of the peoples whom I have 
just passed in review? I will now proceed to answer 
this question in accordance with the best data at our 

Piecing together the information derived from myths, 
language, and archaeological remains, I will suggest the 
following as a working hypothesis regarding the ancient 
history of the region under consideration. In early times 
Georgia and the eastern part of Alabama may have been 
occupied by tribes represented at the dawn of European 
discovery by the Yuchi of the Savannah Eiver — De 
Soto's Cofitachique — and the Timucua of Florida. West 
of them to the Mississippi Eiver and along both banks of 
that stream were the ancestors and congeners of the later 
Tunica and Chitimacha, and these were affiliated with 
others like the Atakapa, Karankawa, Tonkawa, and Pa- 
kawa, extending westward along the Texas coast as far as 
southern Tamaulipas. It is probable, too, that they ex- 
tended up the valley of the Mississippi as far as the 
mouth of the Ohio or even to the Missouri. In the inte- 
rior of northern Louisiana and southern Arkansas we 
must suppose the ancestors of our present Muskhogeans 
to have been living, and beyond them to the Eio Grande in 
New Mexico, the Pueblo country, the tribes of Caddoans. 

When the Muskhogean irruption took place one band 
of the invaders probably subjugated the river tribes, 
whom they found in possession of the country, and com- 
bined with them on unequal terms, the conquerors becom- 
ing the nobles, or ruling class, the conquered the Shudras, 
Stinkards, or Puants, though unlike a true caste system 
marriage without the caste was obligatory as far as the 
nobles were concerned. This, I believe to have been the 


origin of the Natchez state — the result of the fusion of 
of a Muskhogean with a non-Muskhogean element on un- 
equal social terms. The rest of the Muskhogeans crossed 
the Mississippi higher up, possibly impelled by the power 
of the Natchez, and pushed eastward to the Atlantic, con- 
fining the non-Muskhogean tribes within more restricted 
bounds. In their wake came the Caddoan peoples either 
as the impelling force or simply as occupants of territory 
already abandoned — though in later times they were 
severely handled by those whom they had followed, who 
re-crossed the river to attack them. It was probably at 
this time that the Tunica descended from higher up the 
Mississippi, and the Chitimacha southward from Natchez 
to the coast; while in the wake of it the Siouan Quapaw 
came down the Mississippi to the mouth of the Arkansas. 

It becomes, of course, a natural object of inquiry 
what occasioned this great movement. Was it desire for 
conquest, over-population, or natural restlessness which 
started such a human wave? From what we know of 
primitive people generally I think it safe to say that delib- 
erate desire for conquest must be ruled out of considera- 
tion, and that we are not to think of it as of the march of 
armies accomplished in one or in a dozen years. It is 
altogether possible that the traditions which have come 
down to us compress into one movement the accomplish- 
ment of decades or even of centuries. If the Muskho- 
geans were forced on by Caddoan tribes behind them, it 
is possible that the origin of the whole may be sought in 
the irruption of the Apache and Navaho from their homes 
in the distant north. 

In the foregoing I have treated the peoples of the 
lower Mississippi with reference to their linguistic affin- 
ities. Although this has been found in practice the most 
convenient method of classification it must be remembered 
that it is not the only way, tribes having also been clas- 
sified according to their physical characteristics or accord- 


ing to their culture. These two methods agree in one 
point, in which they have a great advantage over lan- 
guage, and that is that they may be pursued archseologi- 
cally; for they leave remains which may be dug up 
and studied. Classification by culture is the weakest of 
all methods if it is desired to determine blood relationship, 
but it has an interest all its own. On the one hand, the 
same culture may be shared by people utterly diverse in 
every other respect ; and on the other hand related people 
may differ entirely in culture. 

Viewing the region we have just been considering 
from this point of view we find that the culture it repre- 
sents agrees fairly well with the linguistic areas. There j 
is a characteristic Muskhogean culture, a characteristic 
Timucua culture, a characteristic Caddoan culture, a 
characteristic Chitimacha culture, a characteristic Ata- 
kapa culture, and a characteristic Natchez culture. The 
Yuchi also appear to have had a culture peculiar to them- 
selves, though in later times this became somewhat con- 
fused with that of the Creeks. The Tunica and their 
allies are the only Indians whose cultural differences do 
not seem to come out clearly, but this is probably due to 
lack of data rather than lack of characteristic elements ; 
and where manuscripts fail us archaeological investigation 
must supply the deficiency. From the information at 
hand I should say that the three highest cultures among 
these, the three that smack most of what we call " civili- 
zation", were those of the Yuchi, Timucua, and Natchez. 
Of the first two little is known ; but the Natchez civiliza- 
tion was in many respects superior to anything to be 
found elsewhere in the present territory of the United: 
States or Canada. It was characterized by the organiza- 
tion of the state into castes, a theocratic absolutism, andj 
the possession of a temple containing a fire never allowed 
to go out. Besides the Natchez and Taensa, elements of 
this culture were shared by the Tunica, the Chitimacha, 


the Biloxi, and the Muskhogean tribes of the lower Mis- 
sissippi and Gulf coast as far eastward as the Pascagoula 
River. It is an interesting question whether this culture 
was evolved by the Natchez themselves or was borrowed 
by them from some of the pre-Muskhogean tribes around 
them. The latter view is a fascinating one, but it is con- 
tradicted by all the evidence in our possession; for, upon 
that theory this culture should not culminate with the 
Natchez but with the Tunica or some other neighbors of 
that tribe, whereas the early writings show clearly that it 
did culminate with them and that this particular tribe 
was looked up to by all in the surrounding region on ac- 
count of its remarkable temple and superior civilization. 

As we withdraw from that region in the same meas- 
ure the characteristic elements of that culture fade out 
and disappear. This being the case, then, are we to sup- 
pose that the Natchez culture at one time extended as 
far as the Ohio and Missouri, since through that area the 
archaeological remains are very largely of one type; or 
are we to consider it a later growth having little or no 
connection with what had gone before! That is one of 
the problems to be answered by future investigation — 
such investigation as I hope will be undertaken by the 
Mississippi Valley Historical Association. 

Another question you will want to ask is whether 
there are any indications that the culture of the lower 
Mississippi Valley was connected with that of Mexico or 
Yucatan. I believe that culture influences from the south 
did enter the lower Mississippi, but my investigations 
appear to discountenance the view that such contact was 
applied directly or with great power. I mentioned the 
Atakapa culture as being distinct from all others ; but this 
culture was marked rather by what it lacked than by what 
it possessed. It was shared by all the coast tribes of 
Texas, and by those of northeastern Mexico as well, and 
it is the culture of which such depressing pictures are 


given by Cabeza de Vaca, the companions of La Salle, 
Belle-Isle, and all later writers. The tribes of that re- 
gion consisted of small unstable bands which lived upon 
fish, shell-fish, alligators, and sometimes going to hunt 
bison and eat tunas. In all North America it is the one 
region I would point to as having the crudest and most un- 
civilized population; and it extended for about seven 
hundred miles before broken by the Huastecs of Panuco 
in southern Tamaulipas. In the direction of Florida we 
at first find encouragement in encountering the compara- 
tively civilized Timucua tribes of the northern part of 
the peninsula, but in the southern part of that peninsula 
and again in western Cuba, the necessary stepping stones 
to our chain of evidence are wanting, these peoples being 
noted rather for their deficiencies than their acquire- 
ments. The only contact with a culture in any way com- 
parable to their own which there seems to be some reason 
for thinking may have existed was toward the west in- 
land where it is possible that they had had intercourse 
with that of the Pueblos. But until archaeology is ap- 
pealed to the testimony of ethnology seems to favor an 
entirely autochthonous origin for the Indian cultures of 
our southern States. Nevertheless, the last word has not 
been said upon this subject. 

Physical anthropology as a science is fairly old, but 
as an applied science in this country it may be said to be 
in its infancy. This is partly due to the comparatively 
unattractive character of the work and the painstaking 
measurements necessary to arrive at definite conclusions, 
but more to an unfortunate lack of confidence in this line 
of investigation as leading to positive results. Unfor- 
tunately, also, archaeologists have allowed the skeletal 
remains unearthed by them to be injured or destroyed, 
taking cognizance only of the to them more attractive 
pottery, worked flints, etc. I am indebted to Dr. 
Hrdlicka of the United States National Museum for most 


of the following information regarding the physical an- 
thropology of the Mississippi Valley. 

Omitting the Eskimo from consideration, Dr. Hrd- 
licka distinguishes two original types of people in North 
America, the long headed and the short headed. The 
long headed type includes all of the Indians of the north- 
ern and eastern parts of our country, the great plains, 
and most of the tribes of the great plateau. A tongue 
of peoples of this same type also extends through north- 
ern Arizona and New Mexico, the Gila valley, and the 
highlands of northern Mexico to Mexico and even Tehuan- 
tepec, embracing the famous Aztec. In South Amer- 
ica it includes the people of the south and east and is 
represented here and there in the west. In the southern 
States the Timucua of Florida, the Muskogee, and most 
of the Atlantic coast people are long heads, as were also 
those about St. Louis and northeastward through Illinois ; 
while the Choctaw, Chickasaw, the small tribes of the 
Gulf coast, and the Mississippi Valley tribes below St. 
Louis were broad headed. The same was true of the 
ancient inhabitants of the Ohio Valley, the present terri- 
tory of the State of Iowa, eastern Nebraska and Kansas, 
western Missouri, Arkansas, southern Oklahoma, and 
nearly all of Texas. Artificial deformation of the head 
was resorted to in the western part of Florida, and on 
the Gulf coast as far west as the mouth of the Mississippi, 
also up the Mississippi to the Yazoo, and probably be- 
yond into Arkansas. Sporadic cases have been reported 
even beyond. 

The ethnological problems of the lower Mississippi 
may be summarized as follows : The linguistic problems 
are to establish the mutual relationship or divergence of 
the various stocks found within this area and their rela- 
tion to stocks outside of it. The cultural problems are 
(1) to determine the relation of the Natchez, Yuchi, and 
Timucua culture to each other, (2) to determine their 


relation to that of the builders of the older mounds, and 
(3) to determine what connection if any exists between 
the culture of the southern States and that in Mexico, 
Yucatan, or among the Pueblos. The problems in phys- 
ical anthropology are to establish the limits of the cus- 
tom of head-flattening, and to determine clearly the rela- 
tionship between the long headed and short headed types 
of Indians. 

In conclusion, it may be pointed out that investiga- 
tion into the ancient history of America resolves itself 
into three lines of research: (1) that conducted with the 
living peoples, the science which we call ethnology, (2) 
archaeological explorations, and (3) the collection and 
examination of early narratives throwing light on the 
various Indian tribes. The first at best cannot carry 
us very far, but it is indispensable as a starting point 
for intelligent archaeological work, while we must depend 
upon the latter to give us a glance into the hoary an- 
tiquity of America, long before the white man trod its 
shores. For most of the historical societies represented 
in this Association opportunity for direct investigation 
of the Indians no longer exists. In Florida, Alabama, 
Mississippi, and Louisiana a few knots of Indians are 
yet to be found ; but almost all ethnological investigation 
must now be done in Oklahoma among the former five 
great nations. 

With archaeology it is altogether different, and here 
the separate States will probably have to shoulder the 
burden, since the complete exploration of any one of 
them would be too great a task for any one museum or 
bureau in a hundred years. While many of its citizens 
are busily engaged in conserving and restoring ar- 
chaeological landmarks in Palestine, Egypt, Greece, and 
Italy, each State represented here ought to be made to 
understand that it has an archaeology and in that ar- 
chaeology an ancient history of its own to conserve, which, 


although large in most cases, is nevertheless definite in 
amount. Any page of this record once destroyed by the 
march of improvements or careless investigation can 
never be restored. Each State — or interests in each 
State — should see to it that exploration of these remark- 
able remains is undertaken and that no exploration is 
entered upon except by men properly trained and equip- 
ped for the undertaking. I repeat once more: this 
material is definite in amount. Because our States are 
large and the remains numerous we are in danger of 
cheating ourselves with the belief that the amount is 
unlimited, but such is not the case. Every State has a 
definite, if large, area, and within that area is a definite, 
though large, number of earthworks and articles of ar- 
chaeological interest. Each of these destroyed or misla- 
beled is one link dropped from the chain of evidence on 
which a proper reconstruction of the ancient history of 
the Mississippi Valley rests. 

But whether or not historians interest themselves 
actively in the ethnological and archaeological sides of 
this study there is one field in which they can cordially 
join hands with the ethnologist and the archaeologist, viz. 
the discovery, preservation, and study of ancient docu- 
ments bearing upon our Indian tribes. Were it not for 
these we should have no knowledge whatever of some 
tribes, and very much less regarding many others. In 
Great Britain, France, Spain, and other European coun- 
tries, not to speak of our own country and Canada, there 
still exist numbers of unpublished manuscripts to which 
the ethnologist and the historian each desires to have 
access, and in the publication of which they can and 
should heartily cooperate. 


By Cuktis F. Makbut 

[This subject was discussed by Mr. Marbut from notes. No sten- 
ographic report was taken of his remarks.] 


By Edwakd Alswokth Ross 

For generations it has been dinned into our ears that 
nothing will help one to comprehend the present like 
study of the past. In this paper I propose to turn the 
tables by showing that often one cannot comprehend the 
past save by study of the present. 

By ' x comprehending the past" I mean something 
more than an acquaintance with such occurrences as im- 
pressed themselves deeply on the minds of contempo- 
raries. I mean some understanding of the lot and outlook 
of the principal classes of men of an epoch, and an insight 
into the direction and underlying causes of the social 
movement. To know the salient events of, say, four 
teenth century England without some notion as to how 
life presented itself to noble, yeoman, villein, burgher, 
merchant, and artisan is to fail to comprehend that epoch. 
Again, to know that during a certain period people were 
drifting to the towns, that plough land was being seeded 
down, that peasants were rising out of serfdom, that the 
burden of private debt was increasing, that unbelief was 
spreading and the monastic spirit was declining, without 


any insight into the factors that conspired to bring about 
these changes, is to fail to comprehend that epoch. 

Nothing is more striking than the blindness of even 
the most intelligent persons to what is going on under 
their very eyes. The man who has any commanding out- 
look upon our own time is certainly one in a hundred 
thousand — perhaps one in a million. Our age watches 
its internal processes with the solicitous eye of a vale- 
tudinarian. It takes testimony, interviews, kodaks, meas- 
ures, counts, maps, plots, exhibits, and publishes with 
a zeal heretofore unknown. Yet what egregious mistakes 
it makes ! Until lately we charged to depravity, laziness, 
or climate what we now attribute to the aenemia pro- 
duced by the hook worm. What fine philosophic disqui- 
sitions on the enervation and moral degradation of the 
white man in the southern Appalachians or in the West 
Indies have in a twinkling been invalidated by the dis- 
covery of this parasite! 

How few of the thinkers of our time are discerning 
enough to connect our fierce political battles over silver 
not with the dishonesty of mortgaged farmers or the 
cupidity of silver-mine owners, but with the diminishing 
output of gold during the eighties and the early nineties ; 
and to explain the era of good feeling that presently set 
in neither by the amiability of McKinley nor by the 
Spanish- American war diversion, but by the stream of 
gold that unexpectedly gushed from the Klondyke and 
the Band? In the course of a decade there has come 
about a wide acceptance of Professor Turner's general- 
ization that in America the democratic spirit grew up in 
and spread from that portion of society in the immediate 
presence of free land, namely, the frontier. The previous 
generation had just as many significant facts under its 
eye, but persisted in accounting for American democracy 
by Providence, the Fathers, the Puritan tradition, ethnic 
mixture, or climate. 


The addition of nine hundred million dollars of 
wealth to the resources of European nobles who have 
married American heiresses might well be supposed to 
bolster the declining social and political prestige of Eu- 
ropean aristocracies; yet I have never found but one 
writer who recognized this as among the forces trans- 
Atlantic democracy has to contend with. The facts re- 
garding the rapid advance of political, social, and indus- 
trial discrimination against the southern negro are abun- 
dant and call forth general comment. They are usually 
construed as an expression of the barbarity of the mob, 
or the narrow-mindedness and prejudice of benighted 
individuals. I have not met with half a dozen men who 
discern in them what Professor Commons does when he 
says : "At the present day we can see in our own South 
the very historical steps by which in the forgotten cen- 
turies India proceeded to her rigid system of castes." 

That the American divorce rate has tripled in thirty- 
eight years is laid to infidelity, moral decay, growing 
licentiousness, the woman's rights movement, or the ram- 
pant spirit of individualism. Few connect it with the 
great multiplication of industrial opportunities for wo- 
men, which, by opening to her the prospect of solving 
the bread-and-butter question by her own efforts, encour- 
age the aggrieved wife to break the conjugal fetter and 
face the world alone. 

The seemingly irresistible march of democracy 
among the peoples of the West is ordinarily attributed to 
God, Destiny, race fibre, or the ideas of philosophers, 
statesmen and leaders. It occurs to hardly any one to 
connect it with the fall in the birth-rate, which, by pre- 
venting population from increasing so rapidly as wealth, 
enhances the economic value, and therewith the social and 
political value, of the hewers of wood and the drawers of 
water. Thoughtful men ought to divine that the open 
and wide-spread repudiation of liberal principles of gov- 


eminent within our generation, the scarcely veiled con- 
tempt of the rich for the poor, the unblushing Machia- 
vellism of the nations in their relations to one another, 
and the frank ruthlessness of the strong races toward the 
weak have some connection with the loosening hold of a 
religion which gave supernatural sanctions to a fraternal 
ethics. Yet few recognize that these avowals of the 
ethics of the jungle in the various human relationships 
are joined at the base to the great intellectual revolution 
that has occurred during the last half- century. 

If we are so incapable of grasping the complex of 
factors that are shaping our existence under our very 
eyes, what chance have we of gauging the dominant fac- 
tors and the significant changes in those remote epochs 
concerning which we possess not a hundredth of the ac- 
curate knowledge that we have of our own time 1 Hearn 
found the Japanese as primitive as the Etruscans, and at 
least five thousand years behind us emotionally. If 
Hearn is right when he assures us we do not understand 
the Japanese whom we can see and talk with, how little 
can we hope to understand the early Eomans or the 
Byzantine Greeks whom we cannot see and talk with ! 

Our age is conscious of a contemporary social devel- 
opment and makes copious and systematic observations 
of significant phenomena which will certainly help our 
posterity to understand our time. But this conscientious 
gathering and publishing of undisputed primary facts is 
a comparatively recent thing. Casting back over the 
centuries we must confess that the materials at our dis- 
posal, though abundant enough in most cases, are by no 
means of a kind to throw light on the fundamental pro- 
cesses or the determining forces of a period. Earely, in- 
deed, does an age leave behind it records which enable 
its successors accurately to interpret it. 

The narratives of the historiographers give scarcely 
any clew to the underlying movement. They are apt to 


tell of events, that is, of the dramatic or explosive mo- 
ments in the national life, but not of movements and 
drifts, of the slow, quiet, subterranean changes which 
more often determine social destinies than the decisions 
of a ruler, the issue of a battle, or the terms of a treaty. 
The earthquake, flood, or plague that cuts a myriad life- 
threads but leaves no trace on future generations, rivets 
the attention of the annalist; but he has no eye for an 
inobvious long-drawn-out process like the exhaustion of 
the soil, the springing up of new industries, the rise of 
new fortunes, the coming in of a money economy, the 
dying out of talented families, the filtering in of alien 
races, or the accumulation of landed property in the 
' ' dead hand. ' ' Yet the latter are the fateful things which 
through a hidden nexus determine many of the events that 
busy the pen of the chronicler. 

Again, the contemporary is sure to exaggerate the 
control of conspicuous persons over matters of common 
concern. Seeing the personal intervention of kings, 
nobles, popes, prelates and political leaders in the shap- 
ing of events, he imagines that wars, treaties, charters, 
councils, edicts, laws, public undertakings, and changes 
in institutions are expressions of their sovereign will. 
He fails to realize how often the policies of the great 
are influenced by secret pressure or fear of pressure from 
substantial elements that lurk in the background, from 
ignoble but formidable classes, from well-knit, watchful 
guilds and professions, from multitudes of obscure but 
jealous plebeians who know they have to pay for the 
crimes and blunders of their overlords. Yet it is largely 
through the neglected reaction of the ruled upon the 
rulers that general social and economic conditions are 
able to influence the course of political, military and 
ecclesiastical events. 

Even when your chronicler looks away from events 
and sets himself to describe conditions, he is apt to put 


things in a false perspective, because social classes differ 
greatly in their power of giving expression to their state 
of mind. When suffering, those who labor with their 
hands compress the lips, while those who work their 
brains or their fellowmen open them. The leisure class 
vociferates if it is made uncomfortable, whereas the 
broad industrial layers emit but a vague and confused 
murmur as they writhe under the harrow. A few thou- 
sand spend-thrift nobles, harassed by debts, make more 
outcry than a million peasants sinking under mortgages 
because of an appreciation of the precious metals or a 
forced competition with artificially cheapened foreign 
bread stuffs. 

It is, however, a failing of the contemporary to attri- 
bute fateful turns in national destiny, if not to the inter- 
vention of conspicuous persons, then at least to changes 
in manner of life, in morals, in religious beliefs, in insti- 
tutions, that is, to matters of conscious choice and of hot 
debate, regarding which the historian himself cherishes 
some strong feeling. How could he moralize, or philoso- 
phize, or thrill his readers or score off his opponents if 
he confessed the prepotence of deforestation, a change 
in the rate of production of the precious metals, a shift- 
ing of trade routes, the application of steam to transpor- 
tation, or the growth of towns? 

Let it not be imagined that when we turn from chron- 
icles to documents we come upon tremorless ground. A 
trustworthy record of the movements and conditions that 
shape events is hardly to be gleaned from the text of the 
treaties, charters, statutes, edicts, and grants an age 
leaves behind it. Does a treaty always mention the real 
grounds of strife or disclose the real status the belliger- 
ents accept? Is not the view of things given in an edict 
or a bull often false and ex parte ? Is the eighteen-count 
indictment contained in the Declaration of Independence 
a quite fair characterization of George Ill's treatment of 


the colonists? Does the manifesto of the Seneca Falls 
Convention in 1848 give a reliable picture of the status 
of women in this country at that time? As for interpret- 
ing laws at their face value, it is now agreed that north- 
ern historians have erred in interpreting slavery by the 
barbarous black codes enacted by southern legislatures. 
The relations of the races were determined by custom, in 
the forming of which the blacks had some share, rather 
than by the harsh laws which white legislatures reluctant- 
ly consented to pass in order to appease a rabid or alarm- 
ist minority. In further illustration of the serene ob- 
jectivity of public documents I might refer to the sort of 
light the platforms of our national parties shed upon the 
moral, social, and economic condition of the American 
people at the opening of the twentieth century! 

If historical materials are so dubious, the student 
of the past ought to bring to his task insight derived from 
the study of the epoch which he can know most intimately 
and accurately, namely, the present. Not that he is to 
think the past in the image of the present. The drawing 
of a forced parallel between the historic personality, 
event, or situation, and some personality, event, or situ- 
ation that happens to be in the limelight of the moment 
is a cheap trick and has fallen into deserved disrepute. 
I mean that he can often find a key to the remote in the 
uniformities and regularities that can be brought to light 
by a close scrutiny of the present. He will reconstitute 
the past better if he is acquainted with certain constants 
in social life, such as the role of the physical environ- 
ment, the influence of the social composition, the effect 
of immigration and race mixture, the factors of the birth- 
rate, the consequence of increase of numbers, the pro- 
cesses of assimilation, the types and causes of social 
differentiation, the modes of interaction of societies, and 
the cross-fertilization of cultures. 


Again, somewhere on the globe he may find and study 
a specimen of nearly every type of social organization 
that ever existed. Japan, Hearn believes, suggests what 
the ancient peoples were eight or ten centuries before our 
era. A knowledge of China throws light on the Byzan- 
tine civilization. The village communities of India help 
one to understand the village communities of our far fore- 
fathers. Observations on Turkish misgovernment ex- 
plain many a blight recorded in history. The crowd- 
phenomena of contemporary Eussia give a clew to the 
child-pilgrimages, dancing mania, tarantism, flagellation, 
and like strange movements that agitated the Middle 

But most important of all is the fact that our own 
epoch is rapidly substituting quantitative knowledge of 
itself for qualitative. Exact measurements of funda- 
mental social phenomena by means of statistics give us 
an insight into contemporary tendencies such as no other 
great and complex society ever enjoyed. What other 
age ever possessed so incomparable a check on the wild 
and whirling words of bigots, cranks, fanatics and parti- 
sans? Whither would discussion of the American race 
question drift but for the fact that when a disputant be- 
gins to blaze we drench him with statistics showing that 
every census year the negroes have constituted a smaller 
percentage of the American people than any previous 
census year? How bewildered we should be as to the 
actual condition of wage-earners but for the figures ex- 
hibiting the movement of wages in relation to cost of 
living! Against the reckless and alarmist statements of 
ecclesiastical bigots as to the " divorce evil" we are forti- 
fied by the figures which prove that divorce is chiefly at 
the instance of the wife and usually on account of drunk- 
enness, desertion, non-support, cruelty and the like. So, 
in respect to the volume of immigration, the falling off of 
births, the drift to the cities, the extent of child and 


female labor, the entrance of women into occupations, 
the postponement of marriage, the prolongation of life, 
the volume of pauperism and relief, the tendency toward 
the various species of crime and the movement of tenancy, 
we enjoy a knowledge far more copious and precise than 
any historical epoch can furnish for itself. 

To be sure, the right handling and interpretation of 
statistics is, as yet, understood by few, and so, in popular 
discussions, figures have been shamefully misused. But 
such abuse casts no doubt on the soundness or ultimate 
triumph of the method of measurement. "Figures don't 
lie, but liars will figure." 

So far as we are still in the dark on vital matters, 
it is because the beneficent possibilities of statistical 
measurement are still so little realized. Even yet we 
lack the data for answering certain important questions. 
We are without exact knowledge as to the distribution of 
Wealth or of social income, as to the amount of poverty, 
as to the extent and movement of private indebtedness, as 
to the fluctuations of employment, as to the hygiene of 
industry, as to the prolificacy of the different social types 
and classes, as to the somatic characters of paupers and 
of criminals, as to the proportion and numerical move- 
ment of the insane and defective. Some day, no doubt, 
we shall maintain a great Anthropological Survey, on the 
analogy of the Geological Survey, which will furnish the 
fullest data as to morbidity, longevity, fecundity, effici- 
ency, and criminality of every population element in 
every one of the great areas of characterization of the 
United States. 

By Benj. F. Shambatjgh 

From the very beginning of historical study writers 
and teachers of history have voiced the idea that the 
facts of history may be utilized as a guide to the future 
actions of men or of nations. Historians have always 
endeavored to point out causes and results; they have 
examined conditions with a view to ascertaining causal 
connections with subsequent events. Closely connected 
with this idea is the thought that a knowledge of the past 
throws light on the present and the future. Such are the 
conceptions that underlie the notion of " Applied His- 
tory.' ' 

I do not know that the phrase " Applied History' ' 
is one that has thus far been employed by students of 
history and politics. But I believe that the time has 
come when it can be used with both propriety and profit. 

There is a tendency at present to make practical 
application of the pure sciences. Everywhere we see the 
application of scientific knowledge in the practical affairs 
of men and communities. Colleges of Applied Science 
are being established. The science of Geology is applied 
in mining; the science of Botany, in forest culture; the 
science of Chemistry, in commercial and manufacturing 
enterprises; and the science of Physics, in engineering. 
Through the Department of Agriculture at Washington 
scientific knowledge is being extensively applied in the 
work of the fields. 

Why not apply the scientific knowledge of history 
in the practical affairs of to-day? The opportunities in 
this direction are almost unlimited. Nor have these op- 


portunities been wholly overlooked. Indeed, the idea of 
applied history has found concrete expression and or- 
ganization in the legislative reference departments or 
bureaus which have recently been established in a num- 
ber of our States. By these departments or bureaus 
scientific information from the record of events is gath- 
ered and compiled for the use of legislators in the making 
of laws. For example, if the State legislature is about 
to undertake a revision of tax laws, the legislative refer- 
ence bureau undertakes the collection and compilation of 
information concerning the history and methods of taxa- 
tion and how these methods have actually operated in the 
various States. Legislative reference work is essentially 
the application of scientific historical knowledge in the 
field of practical politics. 

In the development of legislative reference work 
there seem to be two well marked stages. The first stage 
is where the State library has served as a reference 
library for the use of legislators. The second stage is 
where a legislative reference department or bureau has 
been organized for the purpose of collecting and arrang- 
ing material for the State legislature. The best example 
of the legislative reference department is found in "Wis- 

Thus far the legislative reference departments have, 
in the collection data, emphasized current information. 
Present conditions have been investigated to the neglect 
of historical development. The fact that a particular 
law has worked well in Illinois is no guarantee that it will 
work well in Missouri or Iowa. Many of our State 
statutes have failed because they have been borrowed 
from other States without regard to the conditions of the 
new field into which they were transplanted. It is not 
enough to collect current information: the historical as- 
pects of every problem should be investigated. New 
legislation should be evolved out of what has been. 


Now, I believe that the collection and compilation of 
historical information on social, economic, and political 
questions is a function that may with propriety be per- 
formed by a state historical society. Legislation is, of 
course, no function of such a society: it should not even 
undertake to propose legislation. But the collection and 
compilation of historical data which may be applied in 
current legislation may with propriety be undertaken. 

Inspired by the larger view of history which includes 
the social and economic life of man as well as his political 
activities, The State Historical Society of Iowa promises 
to lay the foundation for Applied History in a new line 
of publications which will appear under the title of the 
"Iowa Economic History Series". Among the volumes 
which are being prepared for this series are a History of 
Labor Legislation in Iowa, a History of Taxation in 
Iowa, a History of Banking in Iowa, and a History of 
Agriculture in Iowa. 


By John H. Reynolds 

The legislation which I am called upon to discuss is 
about two months old. The present plan of caring for 
the history of Arkansas is the outgrowth of the work of 
the Arkansas Historical Association — an association or- 
ganized some five years ago by the professor of history 
in the University of Arkansas. Soon after its organiza- 
tion he became convinced that there was not sufficient 
public interest to conduct its work along proper lines 
without State aid. He appeared, therefore, before the 
legislature in 1905 and asked for a small appropriation, 
sufficient to bring out the first volume of the publications 
of the Arkansas Historical Association. In addition he 
asked that the State create a history commission, tem- 
porary in character. Such a commission was created 
and served as an agency through which there was brought 
before the people of the State, in an official form, the 
cause of preserving our history and the duty of the State 
in the premises. 

The Commission did its work well, brought out vol- 
ume I of the Publications of the Historical Association, 
and in 1907 made its report to the legislature through the 
Governor. The Commission was then continued for two 
years longer. It brought out the second volume of the 
Publications, and in January, 1909, submitted its second 
report to the Governor, recommending the enlargement 
and the permanent organization of the work. These rec- 
ommendations were approved by the General Assembly 


last month. It is this recent legislation that I am called 
upon to analyze. 

In different States the plan of preserving and pub- 
lishing local history takes different forms, owing to local 
conditions. The particular form that the work took in 
Arkansas was largely due to a provision of the State 
Constitution which forbade the creation of a permanent 
State office not already provided for by the Constitution. 
We were, therefore, compelled to create a board, which 
we have called the History Commission. The board is 
unsalaried, but is given a salaried secretary as its execu- 
tive agent. 

Under this plan the State uses two agencies in car- 
ing for and publishing its history. First, the Arkansas 
! Historical Association will continue the Publications of 
the Association. This work does not need explanation. 
These publications are not unlike the publications of his- 
torical societies in other States. Arkansas will assist 
the Association in a financial way in bringing out these 
volumes. The second agency is the Arkansas History 
Commission, an unsalaried board, created by an act of 
the legislature, with a salaried Secretary who will devote 
his entire time to the work. 


Special effort was made to so constitute the History 
Commission that politics could not enter and determine 
the character of the work of the Commission. The act 
provides for nine members, three of whom are ex-officio 
— the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, whose tenure 
is practically good behavior, the President of the State 
University, and the President of the State Normal. The 
other six members are appointed by the Governor, sub- 
ject to confirmation by the Senate. Their term is twelve 
years, one going out every two years. The new Com- 
mission has just been appointed and is composed of some 


of the ablest men in the State. I am certain they will 
take a broad view of the work and will conduct it along 
the most enlightened and comprehensive lines. 

The salaried Secretary is to do the work of the Com- 
mission. His office will be either in the new State Capi- 
tol, where ample quarters will be assigned for the work, 
or the old State Capitol building may be turned over to 
the History Commission. In the latter case the Com- 
mission would come into possession of property worth 
$400,000. The salary of the Secretary is $1,800, and his 
tenure is during the pleasure of the Commission, being 
elected by that body. 


The first duty of the History Commission is to take 
care of the archives of the State, and it is the purpose of 
the Commission to have the Secretary gather together 
all of the public records, properly arrange them, and 
where necessary re-copy and make them available for 
public use. Another function of the Commission, work- 
ing through the Secretary, is to collect all books, pam- 
phlets, newspaper files, and any other publications, gov- 
ernmental or otherwise, that bear directly or indirectly 
on the history of the State. It is proposed in this way to 
build up a library rich in Arkansas history. In the 
second place it is the duty of the Commission to build up 
a museum of Arkansas history — one that will illustrate 
the archaeological, economic, industrial, religious, and 
educational history of the State. Then, again, in the 
third place, the Commission is to collect paintings and 
pictures of eminent Arkansans, of historic scenes, of 
historic houses, and of other things that will help to give 
a graphic picture of the history of the State. Ample 
quarters for the library, the museum, and the art gallery 
will be provided. 

Moreover, the Commission is to be a publishing 
agency. It is the duty of the Secretary, under the guid- 


ance of the Commission, to select such public records and 
documents, whose historical value justifies publication, 
to edit and prepare them for publication, and to bring 
i them out serially, arranged according to some well-de- 
fined plan laid down by the Commission. In the series 
will be included military, political, and industrial records. 
Rosters of Confederate and Federal veterans will be pub- 
lished. The work of the Commission in these several 
lines does not need to be enlarged upon before a body 
like this, familiar as you are with the organization of 
similar agencies in other States. The law in Arkansas 
is comprehensive, embodying as it does the best provi- 
sions of the laws of many States. 


By Frederick W. Shipley 

[Mr. Shipley was unable to attend the meeting, and so the discussion 
of this subject was not called for.] 

By George Julian Zolnay 

It is no exaggeration to say that were it not for 
sculpture the greater part of the world's history would 
be lost to the human race. Not only is sculpture older 
than the first written word, but in its remotest antiquity 
it was a truer and more forcible expression than was the 
crude language of those times. Even in the more ad- 
vanced stages of civilization, the written word did little 
more than transmit the cold, bare fact which sculpture 
had to illuminate. Had it not been for the sculpture of 
Egypt and Greece we should have never known the mar- 
velous degree of civilization and exquisite culture reached 
by those two great nations. 

Fundamentally it is so in our own day. The histo- 
rian may transmit to posterity a fact, but never a tangible 
picture of that fact. This sculpture alone can do. But 
sculpture does more than illustrate an event : it transmits 
to posterity the human type as developed in our age, thus 
serving both historian and anthropologist of ten thousand 
years hence. More than that, it transmits to posterity 
proof of the very essence of all our efforts. It transmits 
the exact state of our civilization, because, after all is 
said and done, the last and highest expression of all 


civilization in all ages is art. And here is the crucial 
point of the question. Since art is the highest expression 
of a nation's civilization at any given time, those who 
transmit to posterity its records take upon themselves 
a tremendous responsibility, for unless those records are 
true they are worse than useless. Let us take as typical 
the case of the nation that concerns us most. 

As a nation now in process of evolution our culture 
is by no means uniform. It is of a certain degree in the 
East, of another in the Middle West, and still another in 
the far West. Now, while it is an unquestioned fact that 
to-day American sculpture, as such, stands foremost in 
the world, it is equally true that while we have the best 
individual sculptors, individually we also have the worst. 
And it is here that this great responsibility is emphasized, 
for it is almost criminal to leave to posterity works which, 
instead of being a true reflection of what we really are 
in this twentieth century, will discredit us with the com- 
ing generations. For it is by our art that our descend- 
ants will judge us just as we judge our ancestors by 
their art. 

But we can avoid the danger of being misrepresented 
by following the example of some of our great eastern 
cities, like New York and Boston, that have their public 
works of art supervised by regular art commissions com- 
posed of sculptors, architects, and painters of the highest 
standing in their respective professions. Such commis- 
sions we need in every State and city ; and it is for you to 
use your powerful influence to create such art commissions 
in your own States, so that no public monument can be 
erected without the approval of such experts. Unless we 
create such bodies all over the country, we shall be pre- 
paring for the future historians the most baffling puzzle ; 
for in comparing the monuments of the eastern States 
with those horrible examples of what sculpture ought not 
to be, that are now being scattered broadcast over the 


land, lie will be forced to the conclusion that this continent 
in the twentieth century must have been inhabited by two 
distinct peoples — one highly civilized and the other quite 
primitive, if not barbarous. Such, indeed, is the differ- 
ence between the work of our best sculptors and our 

This statement may seem preposterous, but I venture 
to say that it is nothing but the plain, unvarnished truth. 
There seems to be a peculiar notion among average men 
regarding art. While they would not dream of pretend- 
ing to know all about matters medical, the law, higher 
mathematics, or electricity, they feel very much offended 
if their artistic judgment is questioned. The consequence 
is that whenever a public monument is to be erected, 
Messrs. Smith, Brown, and Jones unhesitatingly qualify 
as an expert art committee. In ninety cases out of a 
hundred they select the man who can talk rather than 
model; and sometimes they do not even think it worth 
while to look for a sculptor of any kind, but just give the 
job to a stone cutting concern, whose financial terms seem 
attractive. The net result of this astounding procedure 
is the array of sculptural atrocities that stand forever 
as an insult to the intelligence and taste of the community. 
To these self-appointed art judges, a sculptor's profes- 
sional standing, his past work and record mean nothing. 
How could it? There is nothing so self-confident as ig- 
norance. So the erection of totem poles labelled monu- 
ments will go merrily on until the people realize that after 
all art can not be judged by the grocery man but that it 
requires men of training and culture whose lives are de- 
voted to the creation of the beautiful. Such men will be 
sought to supervise these milestones of civilization that 
we give to posterity. And of all the men who are directing 
our intellectual development you can do most in this di- 
rection, for it is your standing, your knowledge, and abil- 


ity that carries weight with those who have the power and 
means to add page after page to the record of human 


By William A. Meese 

The first settlements in Illinois were by the French, 
in the southern part of the State. For ninety years the 
lilies of France floated over our prairies. Missions were 
established and forts erected ; and yet when the cross of 
St. George supplanted the French ensign, the population 
of the Illinois country did not exceed two thousand souls. 

The French built Fort Chartres, the villages of Kas- 
kaskia, Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher, and a few smaller 
settlements. While the French occupancy forms an in- 
teresting period in our history, the French left nothing 
of marked or lasting benefit. They were a happy people, 
content to take what nature so bounteously furnished, 
exerting themselves only enough to secure a humble sup- 
port. " Their traders were after furs, their explorers 
intent upon discoveries, while their missionaries sought 
for souls.' ' Theirs is the romantic era of our history, 
and we owe to them the credit of lighting the fires of 
civilization in this Mississippi Valley. 

But little is left to mark French occupancy from 1673 
to 1763. Kaskaskia, the first settlement in the Illinois 
country and our first Territorial as well as State capital, 
now forms the bed of the Mississippi — which in 1892 
started to form a new channel and by 1899 had entirely 
wiped out this ancient village. 

The only things saved from this historic spot are 
the remains of some of its early citizens, whose bodies 
were removed to the mainland at the expense of the State. 


Cahokia is still a straggling village. The old Caho- 
kia court house fell into private hands; and in 1906 it 
was sold and moved to Chicago, where it rests in Jackson 
Park "distorted out of all resemblance of French archi- 
tecture' \ 

The Church of the Holy Family, however, is still in 
a good state of preservation. The earliest Jesuit Mission 
Church in the Mississippi Valley, it is the only example 
of early French stockade architecture. 

The powder magazine and the foundation walls of 
Old Fort Chartres have escaped the curiosity hunters; 
and the little village of Prairie du Eocher, still rests on 
the American Bottom, nestling at the foot of the rocky 
bluff from which it derived its name. All these places 
should be fittingly marked, as well as Fort Gage and 
Riley's Mills, the home and tomb of Elias Kent Kane, 
who framed our first constitution and who was one of our 
first United States Senators. These places are opposite 
the site of Old Kaskaskia. 

Through the efforts of the Chicago Historical So- 
ciety, the site of Father Marquette's cabin in the winter 
of 1674-1675, on the west fork of the south branch of 
Chicago River, was marked a few years ago by the erec- 
tion of a large wooden cross ; and recently a bronze tablet 
has been placed at the foot of the cross bearing the in- 
scription: "This end of Robey Street is the historic 
high ground where Marquette spent the winter of 1674- 

In 1895 the Chicago and Alton Railroad Company 
erected a monument at Summit, where Marquette landed 
after being flooded out of his winter quarters at Robey 
Street. The inscription reads: "Father Marquette 
landed here in 1675." 

At Wesley City, a small settlement about three miles 
below Peoria, there has been erected near the southern 
end of the village, a half mile from the railway station, a 


huge boulder of granite with a suitable inscription to 
mark the spot claimed to be the site of Fort Crevecoeur 
— the fort built by La Salle and Tonty in January, 1680, 
on the first expedition into the country of the Illinois. 
The monument was erected by the Peoria Chapter of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution at a cost of about 
$100, and was dedicated on June 10, 1902. It bears the 
inscription : ' ' Fort Crevecoeur, 1780, — Peoria Chapter, 
D. A. R. 1902.' ' 

From its occupancy by the British in 1765 until July 
4, 1778, when Colonel George Rogers Clark captured 
Kaskaskia and the other British posts, Illinois history 
presents no evidence of marked interest regarding Brit- 
ish occupancy. 

There are, however, several incidents regarding the 
French citizens during British rule that are worthy of 
special notice. During the year 1771 while the New Eng- 
land colonists, chafing under British rule, were clamoring 
for liberty, the French settlers of Illinois, seemingly im- 
bued with the same spirit, assembled at Kaskaskia and 
formulated a demand for a ' * Regular Constitutional Gov- 
ernment for the People of Illinois"; and they sent the 
same to General Gage at Boston, who endorsed on said 
petition these words : " A regular constitutional govern- 
ment for the people of Illinois can not be suggested. They 
don't deserve so much attention.' ' Then he forwarded 
the petition to London. Lord Hillsborough, head of the 
Colonial Office, replied: "I agree with you, a regular 
constitutional government for that district would be high- 
ly improper." Lord Dartmouth, who succeeded Hills- 
borough, seemingly agreed with General Gage. Dart- 
mouth, however, prepared a form of government which 
he called '"A Sketch of Government for Illinois". It 
provided that all powers be vested in its officers, who were 
to be appointed by the Crown. It gave no rights to the 


The news of the new plan spread rapidly among the 
colonists, and met with universal disapproval. Again 
the citizens of Illinois met at the village of Kaskaskia to 
express their disapproval of the new system. Daniel 
Blouin, a French Canadian, was their leader. Though 
nearly a thousand miles distant from the Atlantic colon- 
ists, and though they had been British subjects but six 
years, these French colonists possessed the true spirit 
of Sons of Liberty, and Daniel Blouin was to the Illinois 
country what Adams was to Massachusetts, and what 
Patrick Henry was to Virginia. 

Again the Illinois colonists formulated a protest. 
They were as outspoken as their brethren on the Atlantic 
Coast. They said they regarded Lord Dartmouth's 
| Sketch of Government for Illinois" as "oppressive and 
absurd, much worse than that of any of the French or 
even of the Spanish colonies". They further said: 
I Should a government so evidently tyrannical be estab- 
lished it could be of no long duration, there would exist 
the necessity of its being abolished. ' ' Brave words were 
these for a handful of people far removed from civiliza- 
tion and kindred settlements. The Illinois protest was 
taken by Blouin to Boston, but it does not appear that 
any attention was paid to it by the British government. 

I believe that the people of Illinois should not over- 
look the patriotism of these first citizens of Illinois. A 
monument near Old Kaskaskia, properly inscribed, should 
be erected to teach coming generations that the prairies 
of Illinois at this early day instilled in the breasts of our 
first people a love of liberty and self-government. 

No one can overestimate the value of Colonel George 
Eogers Clark's conquest. It fixed our then western 
boundary and shaped the course for our Nation's march 
to the Pacific coast. That no appropriate memorial com- 
memorating the deeds of Clark and his brave Americans 
has been erected at or near Kaskaskia or at Cahokia is 


excusable only on the ground of a lack of interest and 
cooperation on the part of the people of the State of 
Illinois — a neglect, not intentional, but owing solely to 
the fact that no effort has been made to bring this matter 
to the attention of our citizens. The State should fitting- 
ly mark these historic spots. 

At Quincy, Illinois, there was dedicated on Saturday, 
May 22, 1909, a monument to George Eogers Clark cost- 
ing five thousand dollars, appropriated by the State. 
The monument is placed in a park overlooking the Mis- 
sissippi Eiver. It is a bronze statue of Clark nine feet 
high, mounted on a granite pedestal. 

Clark never was as far north as Quincy, although 
the place where the monument stands is the farthermost 
western part of the State of Illinois and the most western 
point of Clark's conquest. 

At Fort Massac, near Metropolis, the State of Illi- 
nois, under the direction of the Illinois Chapter of the 
Daughters of the American Eevolution, has erected a 
monument "In memory of George Eogers Clark and his 
faithful companions in arms, etc." The dedication was 
held on November 5, 1908. Ten acres of ground cover- 
ing the site of the old fort were purchased by the State 
and dedicated as a public park. Clark's army consisted 
of men from Virginia and Kentucky. They blazed the 
trail which civilization was to follow ; and many of them 
remained in Illinois, making their homes at or near the 
French settlements. 

The nineteenth century began with another migration 
to Illinois of people who came from Ohio, Indiana, Ken- 
tucky, and the New England States. Indiana was the 
edge of civilization, and the emigrants from there scat- 
tered to different parts of our State. They came to settle. 
Their neighbors were the red men. Their first work was 
to fell the forests and build homes. Their next effort 
was to break the soil of the prairies and make them pro- 


duce the necessaries of life. To this class of settlers 
belonged Abraham Lincoln; and it was especially this 
people and their descendants who built up the State. 

Undoubtedly the darkest page in our early history, 
is the one which records the massacre of the soldiers and 
citizens of Fort Dearborn, on August 15, 1812. This 
event has been fittingly marked by an Illinois citizen. In 
June, 1893, Mr. George Pullman presented to the Chicago 
Historical Society a magnificent monument. His letter 
to Edward Mason, President of the Society, explains it- 
self and is worthy of reproduction. It is as follows : 

Dear Sir: — 

The proximity to my home of the old cottonwood tree which 
| marks the spot in the vicinity of which occurred the massacre 
of the major portion of the garrison and residents at and near 
Fort Dearborn, on August 15th, 1812, suggested the thought of 
contributing an addition to the many valuable relics belonging 
to your Society by the erection of an enduring monument, which 
should serve not only to perpetuate and honor the memory of 
j the brave men and women and innocent children — the pioneer 
j settlers who suffered here — 'but should also stimulate a desire 
: among us and those who are to come after us to know more of the 
■ struggles and sacrifices of those who laid the foundation of the 
greatness of this city and state. I have been fortunate in secur- 
ing the services of the eminent sculptor, Mr. Carl Rohl-Smith, 
j who, after extended and careful research and investigation of 
the subject, has succeeded in producing a group of statuary and 
design in has relief which embody the prominent incidents and 
| culminating scenes of the massacre. The monument is finished, 
and located just one hundred feet due east from the ''Massacre 
Tree ' ', and I have now the pleasure of presenting it, with appro- 
priate deed of gift, to your Society in trust for the City of 
| Chicago and for posterity. 

Ex-President Benjamin Harrison delivered the ad- 
dress at the presentation. It was a speech that should 
j have had and should to-day have wide publicity. He said 
1 in part : 


I am glad that we are beginning to build monuments. 
Bunker Hill, was, not long ago, lonesome, but now every city 
and nearly all counties have built in commemoration of the 
heroes and of the cause. The sculptor has found the universal 
language. He speaks to the schooled and to the unschooled. 
The history of the conquest of the West is full of incidents 
calculated to kindle the historian and to stir the imagination 
of the novelist, the painter and the sculptor. 

Every community should properly mark the scene of imper- 
ious demands, but the historian serves the future as effectively | 
as the projector. We shall value our possession of lands and 
free institutions more highly if we learn that they were bought, 
not with corruptible things, as silver and gold, but with precious 
blood, the blood of the brave and of the innocent. We shall, 
after this lesson, be more willing to preserve by blood, if need 
be, that which was bought by blood. 

Another monument to mark this period was erected 
by the State and was dedicated July 19, 1908, under the 
supervision of the Moline Chapter of the Daughters of 
the American Eevolution. This is located on an Island 
known as Campbell's Island, lying in the Mississippi 
Eiver, six miles above the city of Moline. It commem- 
orates an all-day engagement on July 19, 1814, between 
one hundred and thirty-three United States Eegulars and 
Illinois Militia in three fortified keel-boats under com- 
mand of Major John Campbell, and nearly one thousand 
Sac Indians under their chief, Black Hawk. The mon- 
ument is of white granite sixteen feet square at the base, 
thirty-four feet high, and six feet square at the apex. 
A bronze tablet in bas relief, four feet by seven, depicts 
the battle scene. This monument is located on the battle 
ground on the bank of the Mississippi Eiver and is plainly 
visible for several miles both up and down the river. The 
writer conceived the plan, and prepared a bill, which he 
had introduced in the legislature, appropriating five thou 
sand dollars for the monument. As agent for the Chap 
ter he took charge of the construction, and was also in 


strumental in securing a gift of five acres of land sur- 
rounding the monument for a State Park. 

Through the efforts of the Chicago Historical So- 
ciety, William M. Hoyt on May 21, 1882, placed a tablet 
in his building occupying the site of Fort Dearborn. It 
is a slab of white marble, fifteen feet high and six wide. 
The design shows a block-house in relief, and below a 
panel whereon is recited the history of the Fort at some 

At the west end of the island of Rock Island, in the 
Mississippi River, on the site of the old block-house (one 
of the buildings forming a part of Fort Armstrong, which 
was built by the Federal Government in 1816 and aban- 
doned in 1836) a monument of native stone about nine 
feet in height, surmounted by a pyramid of twenty eight- 
inch cannon balls, was erected by the Fort Armstrong 
Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution to 
mark the site of the old United States fort. 

Events in the Black Hawk War of 1832 have been 
marked as follows : — 

At Stillman Valley a shaft of Barre granite, fifty 
feet high surmounted by the figure of a citizen soldier of 
heroic size, was erected in 1902 to mark the site and com- 
memorate the names of the twelve soldiers who were 
killed by Black Hawk's Indians on May 14, 1832. The cost 
I of this monument, five thousand dollars, was defrayed by 
| an appropriation made by the Forty- second General As- 
I sembly of Illinois. 

At Dixon a bronze tablet has been placed in the 
j Howell Building, a mercantile house near the corner of 
j First and Peoria streets, to mark the site of the cabin of 
( John Dixon, one of the early settlers of Northern Illinois. 
| Dixon came to this vicinity in 1828 and for many years 
thereafter was proprietor of Dixon's Ferry. Dixon's 
j Ferry was the center of activities during the Black Hawk 
! War, John Dixon being a prominent character, known to 


the Indians as Nachusa. The tablet bears in relief the 
figure of a log cabin with an appropriate inscription and 
the names of Abraham Lincoln, Jefferson Davis, Zachary 
Taylor, Edward D. Baker, Black Hawk, and other histor- 
ical characters who were entertained at the cabin in the 
early days of Illinois history. The tablet was erected 
by the Dixon Chapter of the Daughters of the American 
Bevolution and was dedicated with fitting ceremonies on 
October 4, 1901. 

In Kent Township a monument, known as the Black 
Hawk Monument, has been erected on the site of the bat- 
tle ground of Kellogg's Grove to perpetuate the memory 
of those who were slain during the series of skirmishes 
with Indians in 1832. The monument is of native stone 
and is thirty-three and one-half feet high. 

In Evergreen Cemetery at Morris in Grundy County 
a huge granite boulder, seven feet in diameter, was erect- 
ed largely through the efforts of the Honorable Perry A. 
Armstrong to the memory of the Indian chief, Shabbona, 
who was known as the white man's friend. 

In Shabbona Park, fourteen miles north of Ottawa in 
La Salle County, is a granite monument sixteen feet high 
and weighing twenty-five tons erected by the State of 
Illinois in memory of fifteen white people slain by a band 
of Black Hawk's Indians on May 20, 1832. 

Incidents in the life of Abraham Lincoln have re- 
ceived considerable attention and numerous markers to 
commemorate such events have been erected. The vari- 
ous chapters of the Daughters of the American Eevolu- 
tion have taken an active part in this work. They have 
marked the first Illinois home of Lincoln near Decatur, 
the old Macon County Court House, the pew in the church 
where Lincoln worshiped in Springfield, and the Hebard 
house at Knoxville where Mr. Lincoln stopped over night 
on his way to the debate at Galesburg. 


Appropriate markers to commemorate the Lincoln- 
Douglas Debates have also been erected. At Freeport a 
granite bonlder bearing a bronze tablet was the gift of 
the Woman's Club of Freeport. At Ottawa a boulder 
was placed by the Illinois Chapter of the Daughters of the 
American Eevolution. At Galesburg the college authori- 
ties placed a tablet in the walls of Knox College. At 
Jonesboro a boulder was given by the citizens of that 
place. At Quincy a boulder was given by citizens and 
the Chamber of Commerce. At Alton a tablet was placed 
in the City Hall, a gift from the citizens. Charleston, 
where one of the debates took place, has not been marked. 
Appropriate exercises were held at each place last year 
to commemorate the semi-centennial anniversary of the 

The Sons of the American Eevolution marked Lin- 
coln's law office in Springfield by placing a tablet on the 

At Chicago, in Lincoln Park, there is a statue of 
Abraham Lincoln by St. Gaudens, considered one of the 
finest portrait statues in the world. The figure repre- 
sents Lincoln standing as though he has just risen and 
advanced from the chair which stands a few feet behind 
him. The figure and chair are of bronze on a massive 
granite base. The monument cost $50,000, and is a gift 
to the city from Eli Bates, an old and honored citizen of 
Chicago. The statue was unveiled on October 22, 1887. 

At Springfield, in a beautiful park of nine acres 
adjoining Oak Eidge Cemetery on the south, is the mon- 
ument and tomb of Abraham Lincoln. The structure is 
of granite from the quarries of Quincy, Massachusetts, 
rising to a height of one hundred and twenty-five feet 
above the ground. The base is one hundred and nineteen 
and one-half feet in extreme length from north to south, 
and seventy-two and one-half feet east and west. It was 
erected by the Lincoln Monument Association. The ded- 


icatory exercises were held October 15, 1874. The orig- 
inal cost was something more than $200,000, and $100,000 
additional was spent on its reconstruction, 1899-1901, at 
which time the foundation was sunk to a depth of twenty- 
three feet below the surface instead of six feet, and twen- 
ty-one feet were added to the height of the shaft. In 
other respects no change was made in its construction. 
In 1895 the monument and grounds were transferred to 
the State by the Monument Association. 

At the last meeting of the Illinois State Historical 
Society, held on May 13 and 14, 1909, Congressman Frank 
O. Lowden donated seven hundred and fifty dollars to be 
used by the society in marking the line of march pursued 
by Abraham Lincoln in the Black Hawk War. This work 
will be performed during the coming year. 

Illinois governors, soldiers, and statesmen have beenj 
but slightly remembered. At Chicago, in Lincoln Park, 
is a monument to Ulysses S. Grant. It is an equestrian 
statue in bronze, by Rabisso, surmounting a massive gran- 
ite base of the bridge type. It was presented by citizens 
of Chicago and cost $100,000. The figure represents the 
General seated on his horse in one of his characteristic 
attitudes, and is considered a fine piece of work. The 
statue was unveiled on October 7, 1891, in the presence 
of the largest concourse of people ever gathered in the 
city up to that time. 

In Springdale Cemetery, Springfield, is a monument 
erected at a cost of $1,200, appropriated by the State, to 
mark the last resting place and to commemorate the pub- 
lic services of Thomas Ford, Governor of the State, 1842- 
1846. The monument is a sarcophagus of polished gran- 
ite, on which the name "Ford" is cut on the front in 
large letters, and under this, in smaller letters, the in- 
scription: "Erected by the State of Illinois, 1896." 

At Alton, in the city cemetery, dedicated to the 
memory of Elijah P. Lovejoy, killed by a pro-slavery 


mob on November 8, 1837, a monument has been erected at 
a cost of $50,000, one-half of which was appropriated by 
the State and the remainder raised by popular subscrip- 
tion. The monument is a massive column of light Barre 
granite ninety-three feet in height surmounted by a 
bronze statue of Victory, seventeen feet high. The mon- 
ument was dedicated November 8, 1897, the sixtieth anni- 
versary of Lovejoy's death, and bears the inscription: 
"In Gratitude to God, and in the Love of Liberty, by the 
State of Illinois and the citizens of Alton. ' ' 

In Woodland Park, Chicago, is a monument to Ste- 
phen A. Douglas by Leonard Volk. It is similar in type 
to that of the Grant monument. The shaft is something 
over one hundred feet in height and was erected by the 
State at a cost of $100,000. 

The John A. Logan statue, by St. Gaudens, is located 
in Grant Park, facing Michigan Boulevard, and is con- 
sidered one of the best examples of its type. The General 
is represented as pulling in his horse while holding aloft 
the regimental standard as an inspiration to the troops 
whom he is urging forward. The horse and rider are in 
bronze resting upon a granite base. The monument was 
erected by means of a State appropriation of $50,000 in 

At Galena, in Grant Park, there is a bronze statue 

e" General U. S. Grant resting upon a pedestal of red 
aine granite with a polished tablet on each face. The 
only inscription is: " Grant — Our Citizen." The 
statue represents General Grant as he appeared on his 
jreturn from the war, standing erect, the right hand thrust 
linto his pocket and the left resting on his breast. The 
nonument was donated by H. H. Kohlsaat to the city of 
Gralena. It cost about $10,000 and was unveiled June 
B, 1891. 

On the State House grounds at Springfield, east of 
the Capitol, there is a well executed bronze statue of 


Pierre Menard, one of the most prominent of our pioneer 
citizens, the only presiding officer of the legislative conn 
cil during the Territorial period, and the first Lieutenant 
Governor of the State. The statue represents Menard 
in the role of Indian trader, standing erect beside an 
Indian seated upon a bale of furs, each displaying a! 
sample of his merchandise to the other. The group is 
mounted on a granite pedestal about ten feet in height 
upon the eastern face of which is the single word ' ' Men- 
ard", the only inscription on the monument. The monu 
ment was erected in 1885 by Charles Pierre Chouteau, of 
St. Louis, in recognition of the public services and private 
virtues of his father's early business associate and life 
long friend. 

At Oak Eidge Cemetery, Springfield, the State has 
erected a monument to the memory of Governor Bissell 
The monument consists of a shaft of Italian marble about 
twenty feet in height resting upon a limestone base eighl 
feet square, and is surmounted by the figure of an eagle 
with outstretched wings and holding a scroll in its beak 
On the east face of the shift is the inscription: "Wil 
Ham H. Bissell, 10th Governor of the Illinois. Bon 
April 15, 1811; died in office March 15, I860." Below 
this inscription and surrounded by a wreath of oak anc 
laurel, are the words: "Patriot, Statesman, Hero.' 
Upon the opposite face is the further inscription : ' ' This 
monument to his memory erected by the State, in grati 
tude for his many and varied services. ' ' The monumem 
was erected in 1868 at a cost of $5,000 appropriated b} 
the legislature the previous year. 

In Washington Park at Quincy, Adams County, is i 
life-size bronze statue of John Woods, the founder of th< 
city of Quincy and who as Lieutenant Governor succeedec 
to the governorship on March 21, 1860, on the death oJ 
Governor William Bissell. 


At Chester, in the city cemetery, there is a plain 
shaft of Barre granite, twenty-five feet in height, erected 
in 1883, at a cost of $1,500 appropriated by the General 
Assembly. It is dedicated to the memory of Shadrach 
Bond, the first Governor of the State of Illinois. 

On Angust 12, 1889, there was unveiled in Lincoln 
Park a magnificent statue of La Salle in bronze, the gift 
of the Honorable Lambert Tree, a member of the Chicago 
Historical Society. 

The Chicago Historical Society has marked the start- 
ing point of the great fire of 1871. The house at 137 De 
Koven Street was marked by a tablet bearing the legend : 

The Great Fire of 1871 
Originated here and extended to 

Lincoln Park 
Chicago Historical Society, 1891. 

The Daughters of the American Revolution of Illi- 
nois have performed a most commendable work in erect- 
ing so many monuments to mark our historic sites. Their 
work should be an incentive to all of us to take hold and 
help in this most laudable of enterprises. 

Our State has well remembered our citizen soldiers. 

In every county there is one and in many counties several 

I monuments commemorating the deeds of heroism of our 

I northern army. What we need now is to go back and 

fittingly mark the historic events in the early period of 

1 our State history. 

! Our last legislature passed a bill which has received 

| the Governor's signature and is now a law, creating an 

Illinois Park Commission of five members to be appointed 

by the Governor. The duty of this commission will be 

I to make an investigation of Starved Rock, the site of the 

j French Fort, St. Louis, and its contiguous territory, to 

ascertain its adaptability for the purpose of a State Park 

and to make to the General Assembly a report containing 

such information, and also a report respecting other 


regions in Illinois desirable for park purposes. Author- 
ity should also have been given to report on all historic 
spots, but the Commission 's powers can and undoubtedly 
will be broadened, and some day we may look to see all 
of Illinois ' historic sites marked. 

In the northern part of the State we are doing a 
little. We shall soon erect a marker on the site of old 
Fort Armstrong to commemorate Dred Scott's two years 
residence there, which habitation was the basis of hi 
plea for freedom in the celebrated Dred Scott Case. 

Preparations are under way to appropriately mar 
the old Sac village near the mouth of Eock Eiver. This 1 
village was inhabited by these Indians for over one hunn 
dred years. It was twice destroyed by the Americans: 
the first time by Colonel John Montgomery and an army 
of three hundred and fifty men in 1780, acting under 
orders from Colonel George Rogers Clark ; and the second 
time in 1831 by the Illinois Militia. 

We expect also very soon to mark fittingly the site 
of the battle fought in September, 1814, on Credit Island 
in Iowa, opposite the City of Eock Island, by Major Zach- 
ary Taylor with an army of three hundred and sixty-three 
American soldiers in seven fortified keel-boats, and a 
company of British soldiers under Lieutenant Duncan 
Graham, reinforced by some eight hundred Sac, Fox 
Sioux, and Winnebago Indians under the leadership oi 
the Sac chief, Black Hawk. 

I am glad that the Mississippi Valley Historical As 
sociation has been formed. It has a mission broader thai 
any one State, and one which needs the cooperation of al 
of the States. 

On December 27, 1881, the Honorable E. B. Wash 
burne addressed a letter to the Honorable Isaac N. Ar 
nold, then president of the Chicago Historical Society ir 
which he referred to a letter received from Pierre Mar 


gry, the French historian, calling his attention to the fact 
that the coming ninth day of April, 1882, would be 
the two hundredth anniversary of the first discovery of 
the mouth of the Mississippi by La Salle and suggesting 
that the Chicago Historical Society unite with the other 
societies of the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi to 
make a commemoration ceremony on that date. The 
matter was taken up by the Chicago Society and invita- 
tions sent to kindred societies in the Ohio and Mississippi 
valleys, calling for a joint celebration to be held at New 
Orleans on April 9, 1882. The invitation was widely cir- 
culated and met with a cordial response from the societies 
throughout the valleys. However, owing to the disas- 
trous flood of 1882 the celebration did not take place. 
This was the first effort for cooperation among the Mis- 
sissippi Valley historical societies. 

If this Association takes the initiative I believe 
that it will receive the cordial and earnest support 
of every State and local historical society in the Mis- 
sissippi Valley, and that it will be possible to secure 
through the aid of our Federal and State governments 
sufficient funds to erect an imposing and suitable monu- 
ment at the mouth of the Mississippi Eiver to the memory 
of La Salle. With the prospect of a speedy joining of 
the Lakes with the Gulf of Mexico, La Salle's plan will 
have been carried out, and the American people will do 
themselves honor by even at this late day fittingly recog- 
nizing his great work. 

I believe that it is also in the power of this Associa- 

j tion to start a movement that will result in the erecting 
at the mouth of the Wisconsin Eiver of a fitting monu- 

| ment commemorative of Joliet and Marquette's discovery 
of the Upper Mississippi River. 


By Fkancis A. Sampson 

The historical society and the State library each has 
its appropriate place and work, and that work may or 
may not overlap. The historical society may properly 
have employees who write historical papers which the 
society prints for the benefit of the world at large ; but a 
larger work that it must not leave undone is to collect the 
original sources of history and provide data for any one 
who wishes to make use of such material for the purpose 
of writing upon any phase of the history of his town, 
State, or nation — the political, social, religious, or liter 
ary history of the people. 

In order to do this the historical society must not, as 
some perhaps imagine, confine itself to the collection of 
historical publications that have been prepared by work- 
ers elsewhere. It should build up a library that can be 
used by workers in all fields of investigation. To write 
educational history the student wants not simply what 
some other person has said on the subject, but he wants 
the journals of the legislature to see what laws were 
passed, or what laws failed of passage. He wants copies 
of all bills on educational subjects that were introducec 
into the general assembly and acted upon by it; he wants 
the catalogue and periodical publications of all the col 
leges and schools of the State, and of all school boards 
with the courses of study and rules and regulations adopt 
ed by them. With these and other publications he is pre 
pared to write an educational history which will be placec 
in the ordinary library, and which will be used by th* 


reader who wishes the facts and conclusions as worked 
out by one who has given more time to the subject than 
he can. 

Similarly, if the student attempts to write on religi- 
ous history he must have the statistics and minutes or 
proceedings of all the religious organizations, the asso- 
ciations, conferences, synods, presbyteries, or other re- 
ligious bodies by whatever name known. If there has 
been any legislation or attempted legislation affecting his 
subject he must have whatever data may be found in the 
legislative records. 

He could not write the history of the railroads with- 
out the annual reports made to the stockholders of the 
various lines, to the State railroad commissioners, and 
to the Interstate Commerce Commission. Along with 
these he must also have the record of legislation made or 

If he writes of the intellectual achievements of the 
citizens of the State he will want to see all the books writ- 
ten by the citizens of the State, whatever the character 
of the publication may be. Similarly, whatever the sub- 
ject of investigation may be he must have the publications 
affecting that subject, and for each and all of them one 
of the most important sources will be the newspapers and 
other periodical publications. 

Such being the sources of the history with which the 
different investigators will deal, what publications are 
useless and not to be collected and preserved by the his- 
torical society? I am sure I do not know of any kind of 
publication that such a society should not preserve, unless 
it may be the statements and briefs in cases in the higher 
courts between individuals. These are, perhaps, fully 
enough preserved in the reports of the court decisions. 

The historical society should collect, in the same 
manner as above indicated for the State, the publications 
of the part of the country closely related to his State, of 


all the other States, and of the whole world — the degree 
of completeness decreasing with the remoteness of place 
and the want of available funds. 

Now turn to the State library. What is its appro- 
priate work? What was the original intention of the 
founders of such libraries? I think the facts will show 
that they were intended to be libraries for the use of the 
Supreme Court judges and of the attorneys practicing 
before that court. Then, as funds became available, 
other reading matter was provided for the judges and 
the State officials, including the works of history written 
by the workers among the original sources of history as 
found in the libraries of historical societies; books of 
literature, the novel, and the lighter literature of the day 
were added in time. In this condition many of the State 
libraries still remain. 

Official publications which come to the State library 
from other States without solicitation are frequently 
stored away in boxes or in otherwise inaccessible places. 
Many of the State libraries do not have room to properly 
take care of such publications, and for that reason do 
not want them. In one case that I have in mind the 
librarian told me that the historical society could have 
all the publications of that State that were available, but 
nothing should be sent in return, since the library lacked 
the necessary space and employees to care for such books. 

The eastern States and some of the western do not 
have State historical societies, and in some of these 
States the State librarians, where active and ambitious 
in the accumulation of material for a library, have taken 
upon themselves the work of an historical society. For 
instance, the New York State Library under Melvil 
Dewey reached out into all departments and all kinds 
of library work, claiming that in it should be combined 
the general work of the State for the collection not only 
of law publications, but also of the source materials that 


belong peculiarly to the historical library. He would 
also do the work for which State library commissions 
have been created, and for which they would seem to be 
much better adapted — that of loaning books to citizens 
in different parts of the State, a work which the commis- 
sions have so effectively done by means of the traveling 

In the States which have no State historical society 
and where the State librarian is disposed to take such 
work upon himself, there should be no objection to com- 
bination. But where there is a State historical society 
as well as a State library, a line of distinction in the activ- 
ities of the two should be clearly drawn and maintained. 

By Elmer C. Griffith 

The oldest bank in the United States, it will be re- 
called, is the Bank of North America. It was chartered 
by the Continental Congress in 1781, being founded by 
Eobert Morris, the financier of the Bevolution. The 
first bank of issue in this country had been previously 
incorporated in Massachusetts in 1739, and was soon 
followed by others — all of which, however, were forced 
into liquidation in 1740 by an act of Parliament. 

The first remote approach to banking functions in 
Kentucky seems to have been rather accidentally begun 
by one John Sanders. His business was that of a trader. 
He came to Louisville in 1780, in his own boat, to ply his 
business. The flood carried his craft to a tree where he 
fastened it. Then, after the water had receded, the boat 
was converted into a store-house for pelts. For some 
time the unit in matters of trade and exchange had been 
the beaver skin. 

Sanders purchased skins on time from the settlers 
and trappers and gave his receipts therefor; later he 
would redeem his paper (the receipts) having meanwhile 
disposed of his stock to eastern or southern buyers. Un- 
til this was done the acknowledgments thus given cir- 
culated among the people, in business transactions, final- 
ly to be redeemed by the local dealer, who met his obli- 
gation by settling with the last holder at the close of the 
season's business. In a way these receipts were of the 
nature of certificates of deposit, skins instead of gold 
and silver being their basis. 1 

i Durrett 's The Centenary of Louisville (Filson Club Publications, 
No. 8), pp. 106, 107. 


As the country became more attractive to settlers 
the emigration of people from the eastward in the next 
few years brought in quantities of the depreciated con- 
tinental money of the Eevolutionary period, until $1,000 
of the paper money issued by Congress had depreciated 
to a purchasing value of but one silver dollar. 2 

The uncertain fluctuation of these notes naturally 
made the settlers opposed to receiving them. And so 
tobacco and skins came to be preferred as a medium of 
exchange. To add to the general financial confusion 
banks in eastern States were issuing their notes and send- 
ing them through trade into far off Kentucky. There it 
was hoped they would continue to circulate so that the 
issuing banks would not be called upon to redeem them. 

With such conditions prevailing it became necessary 
for Virginia, of which Kentucky was then a part, to pass 
a law in 1785 to exclude from circulation notes of private 
banks. To accomplish this it was provided that when- 
ever a person should offer such a note, payable to bearer, 
to discharge his debt, he made himself liable for ten times 
the face of the note. The creditor or informer received 
the fine; while the debtor, if the judge favored it, could 
be put on his good behavior by the court. This law 
became effective the first of the year 1787. 

Beginning with the close of the year 1793, whenever 
bills of exchange were drawn on a non-resident of Ken- 
tucky and the bill was protested for non-payment a charge 
of five per cent interest with a protest charge of ten per 
cent additional on the face of the bill could be collected 
from the drawers of the bill. The interest rate on such 
bills was doubled in 1798. And in the same year it was 
provided that whenever a domestic bill of exchange for 
five English pounds sterling or more was drawn at any 
place in Kentucky upon another resident of the State, 

2Durrett's The Centenary of Louisville (Filson Club Publications, 
No. 8), p. 197. 


whenever the paper was not accepted and then paid with- 
in three days after due, the drawers were required to pay- 
face and interest. Such bills had formerly been drawn 
when the only object sought was to gain time and let 
the bill act as a circulating medium until presented to 
the original drawer of the bill. The law sought to dis- 
courage such practice. By an act of January 10, 1820, 
when there was a stringency in money matters in Ken- 
tucky, a law was enacted which repealed the ten per cent 
damages on the protest of bills of exchange drawn in 
Kentucky and payable in some other State or Territory. 

The new and expanding country of Kentucky with 
its increased business needed more money. In 1799 
Governor James Garrard in his message outlined reasons 
for the revision and amendment of the State revenue 
laws. The House in considering the message deemed the 
"increasing scarcity of money' ' as an additional reason. 
And then the legislature summed up Kentucky's financial 
outlook and explained the cause of the financial strin- 
gency as follows : ' ' Notwithstanding some discouraging 
circumstances, notwithstanding the balance of trade is 
against us which occasions a general complaint of the 
scarcity of money ; yet we congratulate you that our pop- 
ulation and agriculture continue to flourish and im- 
prove. ' ' 

The first effort to establish a bank within the limits 
of Kentucky was made in the State legislature in 1802. 
The company then incorporated was known as the Ken 
tucky Insurance Company. The charter given the in- 
corporators provided, in twenty-five sections, for a com 
pany which would insure river boats and their cargoes 
on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. The charter grant 1 
ed was to continue until January 1, 1818, and the company 
was to be located at Lexington and to be capitalized at 


Banking powers and privileges were conferred upon 
the company by the twentieth section in these words: 
"And every bond, bill obligatory, or note in writing, 
given by the said president and directors in behalf of 
the said Insurance Company shall be assignable by en- 
dorsement thereon, in like manner and with the like effect 
as foreign bills of exchange now are; and such of the 
notes as are payable to bearer, shall be negotiable and 
assignable by delivery only." The company was also 
given the right to deal in exchange and to loan its money 
at six per cent interest. 

Thus the Kentucky Insurance Company of Lexing- 
ton was given unlimited power to issue any amount of a 
circulating medium it might determine upon. Unre- 
stricted powers of such magnitude without any conces- 
sions granted in return have rarely been granted by any 

It is usual to assert that the provision which con- 
ferred the banking powers on the Insurance Company 
was overlooked by the legislature and not fully under- 
stood by that body. We are told that the company was 
incorporated by its promoters chiefly for banking busi- 
ness, but realizing that the public was bitterly opposed 
to bank notes the disguise of an insurance company was 
taken to avoid possible opposition. 

Be that as it may, two years later, December 19, 
1804, the legislature in seeking to remedy the weakness 
of the charter which placed no limit on the amount of 
notes that the Insurance Company might issue and cir- 
culate, restricted at that time the issue to the aggregate 
of the debts due the company, including both good and 
bad debts, the money on hand, property, both personal 
and real, together with their capital stock. This act pro- 
vided that insurance risks could not be considered the 
property of the Company; it also repealed the provision 


of the charter which gave the corporation exclusive in- 
surance business. 

Thus in 1804 the legislature openly conferred upon 
the Insurance Company the right to issue bank notes. 
It also provided for a penalty in case there was an over- 
issue of circulating notes. In case an excess were issued 
no penalty was attached if the corporation redeemed the 
notes. If the outstanding notes, in excess of the amount 
provided for by law, were not thus redeemed, the presi- 
dent and directors were liable with their private fortunes. 
That the question of over-issue might be determined, the 
books of the corporation could be called into court. 

The legal issue of notes might, therefore, amount to 
$300,000 or over without any provision for a reserve to 
redeem them. The purpose of the law seems to have been 
to give the popular mind confidence in the notes of the 
Insurance Company. 3 

At the session of the legislature in 1805 an attempt 
was made to revoke the entire charter of the Company 
and to allow it to become a branch of the Kentucky Bank, 
which it was proposed to establish. 

As a part of a resolution which Henry Clay offered to 
the committee of the whole house, considering the state of 
the Commonwealth, it was proposed that the act estab- 
lishing the Insurance Company and the amending act 
thereto be repealed, to go into effect May 1, 1806. This 
proposal was adopted. Governor Greenup was opposed 
to the repeal of the charter and vetoed the bill, thus 
preventing the violation of its contract. 4 

It was openly charged in the newspapers in 1807 
that Col. Aaron Burr, while at Lexington, had drawn 

3 See Duke's History of the Bank of Kentucky, 179S-1895, pp. 11, 12; 
also Divrrett 's Early Banking in Kentucky in the Proceedings of the Second 
Annual Meeting of the Kentucky Bankers' Association, 1892, pp. 35-45. 

* Durrett 's Early Banking in Kentucky in the Proceedings of the 
Second Annual Meeting of the Kentucky Bankers' Association, 1892, pp. 


bills on a New York house at sixty days amounting to the 
sum of $44,000, which he sold to the merchants of Lex- 
ington. 5 It was now reported that those bills would be 
protested. It was also said that other towns in the West 
would suffer in the same way through "this man's des- 
perate attempts". A few years later, 1811, it was charged 
again in the press that the Insurance Company by giving 
credit to Burr had enabled him to get credit from the local 
merchants. 6 In some instances it was said that the mer- 
chants had then purchased Burr's bills with their own 
notes. These were sold, it was claimed, to the Insurance 
Company, which in turn issued in exchange their post- 
notes payable in one hundred and twenty days. And 
thus the Company was supposed to have financed Burr 
while he was in Lexington, to the decided gain of the 
Insurance Company. 

The main source, however, of the Company's divi- 
dends was accounted for on the ground that the business 
1 world preferred the bank notes to the bulky and heavy 
I silver ; while the demand for the notes was such that they 
passed in New Orleans at 10iy 2 to 102. T 

In the year 1811 another spirited effort was made to 
have the legislature investigate the Insurance Company. 
Attacks were made upon it in letters printed in the press 
and addressed to the law-makers. It was charged that 
one-third of the stock of the Company was owned by a 
loyal British subject. Further, it was asserted that this 
; bank was loaning money at two and one-half and three 
per cent interest a month, contrary to its articles of in- 
I corporation. These communications charged that for 
J the first two years of the Company's existence, while 
j there was positive opposition to the corporation, insur- 
ance was furnished at a reasonable rate. Before the 

6 The Mirror (Kussellville, Kentucky), January 9, 1807. 
« Kentucky Gazette (Lexington), December 17, 1811. 
* The Fredonian (Chillieothe, Ohio), May 16, 1807. 


Kentucky Insurance Company was established similar 
insurance could have been purchased from eastern con- 
cerns at a reasonable premium ; but as the rate was raised 
by the home company in Kentucky the eastern corpora- 
tions advanced their rates as well. The Company was 
accused of " shaving" by buying bills of exchange on an 
eastern city at par and then selling them at from two 
to two and one-half per cent advance. In some instances 
they accepted notes on eastern banks at par only to part 
with them to merchants who had made purchases in the 
East at an advance of six to seven per cent. 8 

These attacks were so keen that they brought from 
the officers of the Insurance Company a public admission 
that a Mrs. Gapper, formerly of England but then an 
inhabitant of the United States and a resident of Phila 
delphia, owned upwards of a third of the capital stock. 9 

These newspaper attacks accomplished nothing so 
far as the legislature was concerned. The Senate suc- 
ceeded in passing a resolution seeking to prevent " loyal 
subjects of foreign powers' ' from governing the Insur- 
ance Company; but the House adjourned without action 
and the charter remained unaltered. 

The stability of the organization is indicated by an 
order from the Treasury of the State under date of Octo- 
ber 28, 1814, which stated that the bank notes from the 
Bank of Kentucky with its branch banks and the notes 
of the Insurance Company were the only bank notes 
which would be receivable at the Treasury. 10 On Febra 
ary 8, 1815, the notes of the Kentucky Insurance Com 
pany were made receivable in payment of county levies, 
officers' fees, and military fines. This provision con- 
tinued in force until it was repealed on November 23, 

s Kentucky Gazette (Lexington), December 10, 17, 24, 31, 1811. 
9 Kentucky Gazette (Lexington), December 31, 1811. 
io Argtis of Western America (Frankfort, Kentucky), November 13 


The charter of the Insurance Company expired Jan- 
uary 1, 1818, but a law of February 3 of that year con- 
tinued the part of the charter which did not refer to 
banking concessions, for two additional years. 

This so-called Insurance Company had developed the 
functions of banking to such an extent that the legislature 
deemed it advisable even as late as 1831, in incorporating 
the Louisville Merchants' Insurance Company, to defi- 
nitely specify "that in no case shall it exercise the busi- 
ness of banking by issuing notes as incorporated bank." 
It is a fact that the Kentucky Insurance Company flour- 
ished and declared good dividends which were made pos- 
sible by the large issue of notes. 

The success of this experiment in matters of finance 
provided the occasion for chartering a State Bank with 
banking privileges only in 1806. The proposal to incor- 
porate such a bank had been considered by the legislature 
in December, 1805. 11 On December 26, 1806, the Senate 
adopted the House bill to establish a State Bank by a 
vote of sixteen to five. 12 

The law incorporating the Bank of Kentucky located 
the main bank at Frankfort. It granted the privilege of 
removal, however, in case the State capital should be 
removed. It was capitalized at one million dollars, and 
shares of $100 each were to be issued. One-half of the 
total number of shares was to be reserved to the State, 
while forty per cent of the shares thus reserved to the 
State was to be withheld until the bank was organized. 
This was not a serious hindrance, since the bank could 
be organized when but 20,000 of its million dollars of 
capital had been paid in. 

Popular subscriptions for 3,000 shares were to be 
received at specified times at the State capital and at 
ten additional Kentucky cities. The shares unsold and 

11 Journal of the Senate of Kentucky, 1805, December 13, pp. 79, 80. 

12 Journal of the Senate of Kentucky, 1806, p. 138. 



not reserved to the State could be disposed of by the 
president and directors. The bank was chartered for 
approximately fifteen years — until December 1, 1821. 
By an act of February 6, 1819, the charter was extended 
until the close of 1841. The State was given the con- 
trolling interest by the selection of half of the directors 
together with the president, who were to be appointed 
by the State legislature. No single individual or cor- 
poration could hold in its own right or by proxy over 
thirty votes. The bank was forbidden to hold posses- 
sion of lands and buildings, beyond such property as was 
needed for its business and that which was held by mort- 
gage or in trust as security for loans. The powers of the 
corporation were expressly limited to banking business 
dealing in discounts and loans, with the maximum rate 
limited to six per cent, bills of exchange and money, with 
the power of disposing of property forfeited as security 
for loans. 

The issue of notes plus the debts of the bank was 
limited to three times the capital over and above the 
deposits in the bank. An issue of notes in excess of this 
amount, if not redeemed by the bank itself or its re- 
sources, must be satisfied by the shareholders, whose 
property for such over-issue became liable in case they 
had favored or not protested against the bank's proceed- 

To safeguard the public the Governor could demand 
weekly reports of the bank, and the legislature was en- 
titled to an annual report. The bank was prohibited 
from purchasing notes of individuals, corporations, or 
partners unless such notes had specified on their face 
that they were negotiable at the bank. 

The Bank of Kentucky began operations on October 
12, 1807, with six hundred shares belonging to the State 
paid in full and with five hundred and forty-two private 


shares subscribed. 13 The subscription at Russellville 
closed October first. 1 * 

Substantial gains to Kentucky were predicted by 
those in Ohio who had been desirous of having a bank 
organized in Ohio instead of Kentucky. 15 With the bank 
thus established, specie would be received in Kentucky 
for the land sold in Ohio. Kentucky was no longer de- 
pendent upon bank-notes from other States; the specie 
would cease to leave the State, while formerly the Ken- 
tuckians had been compelled to receive notes of outside 
banks in place of specie. 

The notes of the Bank of Kentucky were early dis- 
criminated against by the State itself. An act passed 
on February 24, 1808, provided that in case the State 
Treasurer could not cash the Auditor's warrants the 
Bank of Kentucky would be authorized to receive and pay 
them in specie, being entitled to interest from the State. 
The bank was soon paying good dividends. The last 
half of the year 1810 it paid four per cent ; the following 
semi-annual dividend was four and one-half per cent; 
the next dividend was five per cent; and the following 
was five per cent for six months. The Joint Committee 
of the legislature reported on January 5, 1811, that the 
Bank had been "conducted with benefit to the Common- 
wealth", and "has deserved the confidence of the legis- 
lature and of the community". 16 

That the profits proved to be satisfactory might 
perhaps be expected from the economy practiced by the 
Bank. This is shown by such newspaper advertisements 

is Kentucky Gazette and General Advertiser (Lexington), January 
5, 1808, Governor Greenup's Message. 

1 4 The Mirror (Russellville, Kentucky), September 26, 1807. 

is The Fredonian (Chillieothe, Ohio), May 9, 1807. 

is Argus of Western America (Frankfort, Kentucky), January 21, 
1811; July 3, 10, 17, 1811; January 1 and July 1, 1812. 


as the following: " Blank checks on the Bank of Ken- 
tucky for sale at the office of The Palladium. ' ' 17 

The profits were carefully calculated by the branch 
banks in considering the notes accepted for discount. 
For example, the directors of the Lexington Branch Bank 
held regular meetings on Wednesdays and Saturdays at 
three o'clock, at which time they considered the notes 
that had been offered to the bank for discount. The re- 
quirement of the bank was that these notes, offered to 
the bank for purchase, must be deposited in the institu- 
tion between the hours of ten and two on the days when 
the directors met. Thus we see that bank directors in 
1814 shared actively in a greater responsibility in the 
management of the banks than is usually the practice 
at present. 18 The Eussellville Branch Bank in 1808 es- 
tablished the same discount days but required the notes 
offered for discount to be deposited in the bank on the 
two days prior to the directors' meetings. 19 

By 1812 the banking business had come to be recog- 
nized as a profitable enterprise. Private companies had 
sprung into existence and were loaning money, and as 
private banks were issuing notes which passed into cir- 
culation. To control and partly monopolize the banking 
business the State legislature passed a law on February 
8th forbidding any person to act in any capacity as the 
representative of any private bank, or of a monied asso- 
ciation which had not been authorized by law. The vio- 
lation of this act entailed a penalty of $10,000. A bank 
was defined as having the functions of lending money and 
of issuing circulating notes. Private banks were denied 
the use of the courts for lawsuits. It was provided that 
the law should go into effect within two days, exempting 

i7 Palladium (Frankfort, Kentucky), May 25, 1811; Kentucky Ga- 
zette (Lexington), September 22, 1812 (Bills of Lading and Exchange). 

is Kentucky Gazette (Lexington), November 28, 1814. 

is The Mirror (Russellville, Kentucky), June 9, 1808. Bank minutes 
of June 2, 1808. 


the companies then in existence until the first of Decem- 
ber, in order that they might settle their affairs, while 
the private bank of Louisville was made exempt for an 
additional period of ten days. 

In some respects the Bank of Kentucky did not 
achieve the degree of success that had been anticipated. 
The amount of notes put into circulation was large. 
Early in October of 1814 the directors of the Bank of 
Kentucky called a meeting, at Frankfort, of representa- 
tives of the banks of Kentucky and of the principal banks 
of Ohio. It was agreed at this conference that the banks 
should reduce the amount of their paper notes then in 
circulation in order to prepare for an emergency. But 
on December 27 some Ohio banks notified the Bank of 
Kentucky that they would suspend specie payment, since 
the West was being drained of specie by the East. This 
proved to be the signal for the Kentucky Bank to likewise 
suspend. 20 

The suspension of the payment of its notes called 
forth an investigation by the two houses of the legisla- 
ture. It resulted in the joint committee of the two houses 
fully exonerating the Bank officials. It declared sus- 
pension a " prudent step", and recommended to the citi- 
zens of the State the acceptance of the notes of the Bank 
and its branches in payment of debts "as a safe and con- 
venient circulating medium". 21 The joint committee for 
the following year reported to the legislature that the 
amount of bank notes in circulation was small as com- 
pared with the bank's capital. The committee expressed 
the belief that the bank could resume specie payment at 
that time were it not that the banks of adjacent States 
would likely draw off the specie from Kentucky. 

The profits for 1815 ran from nearly four per cent 
in the Danville Branch, to over nine per cent in the Lex- 

20 Journal of the Senate of Kentucky, 1814-1815, pp. 78-82. 
2i Journal of the Senate of Kentucky, 1814-1815, pp. 77, 78. 


ington Branch. It should be borne in mind, however, that 
some of the expenses of the branch banks were incurred 
and carried by the principal bank — as was the case in 
the printing of notes. 22 

Did time but permit there might be traced the inter- 
esting history of the forty-six independent banks estab- 
lished by the State in 1818, which were capitalized at 
nearly nine million dollars. Speculation and inflation 
ensued, causing the repeal of their charters two years 
later. The preamble of this law sought to justify the 
repeal of the charters in the following words : 

"Whereas in the tenth article of the Constitution of Ken- 
tucky it is declared: First, that all freemen, when they form 
a social compact, are equal ; and that no man or set of men are 
entitled to exclusive, separate public emoluments or privileges 
from the community, but in consideration of public services; 
And secondly that all power is inherent in the people; and all 
free governments are founded on their authority, and instituted 
for their peace, safety, and happiness. And whereas, it is self- 
evident, according to those fundamental principles of govern- 
ment, that all laws which grant to a few, the power to oppress 
the many, are tyrannical in their nature, and adverse to the 
primitive rights of the people; and therefore, repealable by the 
supreme authority. 

The legislature was thus usurping some of the pre- 
rogatives of a supreme court. 

It would also be interesting to trace the attempts of 
the State to collect a tax from the United States Bank; 
or to follow the legislation enacted giving to manufactur- 
ing concerns banking powers. Among this number was 
the Sanders Manufacturing Company, incorporated in 
1818. The law required this company, to which it gave 
banking privileges, to maintain a school for the instruc- 
tion of the children employed in the factory — which 
may perhaps be considered an effort to regulate the em- 

22 Journal of the Senate of Kentucky, 1815-1816, pp. 144-148. 


ployment of children. Throughout the first half of the 
nineteenth century Kentucky may be characterized as a 
State engaged in making banking experiments. 


By William H. Holmes 

The movement culminating in the present meeting of 
the Mississippi Valley Historical Association is in every 
way most commendable and if reasonably supported and 
followed up must yield results of great value to the his- 
tory of the American Nation and its founders, as well as 
to the history and pre-history of the native race. The 
historian treating of the present period must depict with 
equal care all the ethnic elements of the Valley, native 
and intrusive, and must project them against the back- 
ground of the local environment. But beyond the limit 
of a few generations he must project all the exotic ele- 
ments of race and culture against the diversified back- 
ground of transatlantic surroundings, and, while the na- 
tive peoples have held a longer tenure in the New World, 
they also hark back, in times indefinitely remote and 
through unknown highways of migration, to the common 
home of humanity in some unidentified corner of the 
ancient world. 

Aboriginal American history may be studied through 
the living representatives of the native race, by appealing 
to the records and traditions of the white race during 
the short period of its occupancy of the country and 
through the records of past ages still existing upon the 
surface of the land or stored in the superficial strata of 
the earth's crust. The relations of the races and peoples 
in the history and pre-history of the Valley may be illus- 
trated by reference to the history of a single site — that 
of the city of St. Louis. The historian resorts to unwrit- 


ten observations and written records to tell the story of 
the present and the near past — the historic period prop- 
er. The story of the English occupancy extends over a 
period only slightly exceeding a hundred years, and the 
superficial deposits underlying the present pavements 
of the city must contain more or less definite traces of 
this occupancy — the archaeological record of the period 
— but owing to the plenitude of current knowledge and 
of written records these traces are not required by the 
historian. The native race has but a meagre represen- 
tation in the records, historic or archaeologic, of this 
period. The preceding periods of French and Spanish 
occupancy are also recorded in documentary form and 
in more or less well defined deposits underlying those 
of the English period; but in these cases again the 
archaeological record is not required by the histo- 
rian. The native tribes had a larger share in the 
activities of this than in the English period, but 
receive meagre mention in the writings of the in- 
truders; and the buried traces of their handiwork are 
probably limited in number and widely variant from pris- 
tine forms. Beyond the coming of the French pioneers 
tradition furnishes a scanty and indefinite record, but the 
archaeological record imbedded in the fourth stratum of 
deposit should, if properly searched, provide the historian 
with data of great value. Herein, and in corresponding 
deposits elsewhere, are buried the answers to many of 
the great problems of the peopling and the peoples of 
the Valley of the Mississippi. 

The labors of the historian in the aboriginal field 
have to do with diversified subject-matter which is con- 
veniently classified, for purposes of research and record, 
in three grand divisions, namely: (1) Physical Anthropol- 
ogy; (2) Ethnology; and (3) Archaeology. The various 
problems to be considered within these realms may re- 
ceive brief attention in this place. Within recent years 


ethnological research has been placed on a high plane and 
much excellent work has been done in the study of the 
native tribes. The various problems have received care- 
ful attention and some of the greater ones have been 
fully and others tentatively solved, but a vast deal yet 
remains to be done. Among all the published results of 
researches dealing with these people there is as yet not 
a complete record of any single family, tribe, or tribal 
group. No single student has been able to compass the 
vast and varied subject, and it is not probable that anyone 
ever will produce a complete unit of ethnological re- 
search. The complete tribal unit of research includes 
monographic treatment of the following topics: 

1. The physical and mental characters. 

2. The language — its phonology, morphology, syn- 
tax, and etymology. 

3. The religion, its rites and ceremonies, its myths 
and folklore. 

4. The social organization in all its phases. 

5. The arts and industries — an extensive series. 

6. The esthetic activities — including music, paint- 
ing, sculpture, and the embellishing arts generally. 

7. The diversional activities — including games and 

8. The tribal history, traditions, and available ar- 
chaeological records. 

It seems unlikely that any single life is equal to the 
accomplishment of so great a task, and the researches of 
many students among many tribes must be relied upon 
to give to future generations a complete composite pic- 
ture of the peoples and their life. The study of the 
tribes, however, is going steadily forward, and the great 
body of data thus accumulated will serve not only as a 
precious record of the historic natives soon to disappear; 
but it will serve, as no other body of ethnological data 
can, to illumine the shadowy pages of pre-history and 


make clear the manner of life of all peoples during the 
stages of their progress preceding the invention of letters. 

Archaeology is called upon to assist Ethnology in 
carrying backward the history of particular tribes and 
groups of people, and much interest is centered about 
this branch of research. But the tribal threads are soon 
lost. The traces of one group blend with those of other 
groups and the archaeologist turns from the study of 
particular tribes, which are but passing episodes in the 
history of the greater groups, to a much wider field em- 
bracing such problems as (1) the origin and evolution of 
the race, (2) migrations, (3) culture progress, (4) influ- 
ence of environment, and (5) the vastly interesting ques- 
tions of chronology. 

It is apparent from these considerations that within 
the aboriginal field of research the historian has a most 
important mission to perform; and the various societies 
of the Mississippi Valley, historical and anthropological, 
may contribute largely to the good cause by promoting 
as the occasion arises: 

1. A more liberal financial support for research and 

2. A better understanding of the problems to be 
dealt with. 

3. More intelligent and uniform methods of re- 

4. A wider and more popular publication. 

5. A larger appreciative audience. 

6. An increase in the number of efficient workers. 
Available funds are the sinews of research, since 

continued high-grade work cannot be sustained without 
liberal expenditure. 

The government devotes a few thousands of dollars 
each year to well-considered, systematic work. 

Explorers employing their own private funds con- 
tribute many thousands each year. 


Patrons of the science by supplying funds to institu- 
tions and individuals do much to advance research. 

Educational institutions from their limited resources 
for research purposes occasionally put parties in the field 
and publish the results. 

Societies devoted to anthropological science conduct 
systematic work on a commendable scale. 

It is most important that means of increasing the 
available funds for research be devised, and with this end 
in view efforts should be made to multiply societies, in- 
crease membership, and interest those who are able to 
give financial aid. 

The work of the various agencies of scientific re- 
search has been in a large manner sporadic and without 
proper correlation. The betterment of these conditions 
should result from concerted movements and cooperation 
such as the meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association represents. 

The isolated student pursues his investigations blind- 
ly, without an adequate knowledge of the methods and 
purposes of research or the kind of record to be made. 
His work is thus often destructive rather than construc- 
tive. The influence of more fortunate workers in the 
same field should be extended to him through personal 
contact such as may result from public meetings and by 
wide publication of the results of research. Through 
the same agencies the commercial collector and the curi- 
osity hunter, who explore but to destroy, should be led 
to realize the enormity of their sins against science. The 
unwary amateur, and the publisher of hasty conclusions, 
should be repeatedly warned against the pitfalls of error 
that open wide and deep along their pathway. Full 
publicity is the best remedy for such evils. 

Fortunately present facilities for publication of high- 
class anthropological papers are excellent, and a number 
of channels are always open. It has been suggested that 


each of our States and Territories might find it feasible 
to undertake the publication of handbooks devoted to the 
local aboriginal history, and that these might be profita- 
bly employed in the schools. The Bureau of American 
Ethnology would be glad to cooperate in such an under- 
taking. It may be noted here that the Bureau has in view 
on its own account a series of handbooks dealing each 
with a single grand division of the numerous topics brief- 
ly treated in the present Handbook of the Indians. As 
with the latter work the preparation of the matter would 
be intrusted to those persons best qualified to present 
the various subjects in the most scientific and effective 

Already there is a wide appreciation of the efforts 
of ethnologists and archaeologists to preserve an adequate 
record of the native tribes, but not such a wide and gen- 
eral appreciation as the work should command. The 
founding of societies of the Archaeological Institute of 
America in various sections of the country is a movement 
of great importance. The organization of these societies 

j among the class of people who are interested, or who 

J may become so, and who are able to contribute a small 
sum annually to a fund, part of which is devoted to the 
American field, must necessarily tend to enlarge the audi- 

f ence and greatly increase the number of those who may 
contribute in a large way. Like results are to be antici- 
pated from the organization of local societies, archaeologi- 
cal, ethnological, and historical, and the increasing num- 

j ber of these is a most promising sign of the times. 

The setting aside by the national government of 

j reservations, parks, and national monuments containing 

j antiquities, and the exploration and restoration of the 
important ruins located thereon, under the joint auspices 
of the government departments and the Smithsonian In- 

j stitution are giving wide publicity to the fact that we have 
in America antiquities worthy of world-wide attention. 


Unfortunately the force of trained workers in An- 
thropology can be increased but slowly. The universi- 
ties may turn out ethnologists and archaeologists without 
stint, but in the absence of funds to give them employ- 
ment little advantage is gained. There are few oppor- 
tunities in the anthropologic field worthy of a reasonable 
ambition. This, in a measure, can be remedied by the 
upbuilding of museums requiring curatorships and by 
establishing chairs of Anthropology in institutions of 
learning. It is not to be expected that the government j 
will materially increase its force of ethnologists, and 
the States as a rule are not in a position to organize 
ethnological surveys. The serious difficulty in enlisting 
the cooperation of national and State governments is that 
this branch of research includes so few of the elements 
usually regarded as "practical." 

Purely scientific work does not appeal to legislators 
whose lives are devoted largely to the material interests 
of the immediate present. It is difficult to make them 
realize that the American Nation has a real, practical 
responsibility in preserving an adequate history of the 
American race — one of the four great races of human- 
ity — which it is so rapidly destroying. The statement 
that the work of recording the history of these people 
must be attended to now — or never — falls lightly upon 
their ears; and the fact that the native tribes, together 
with their language and peculiar culture, are disappear- 
ing from the face of the earth at the rate of three or four 
per year, and in an increasing ratio, is not given serious I 

The importance of the work from the national as 
well as from the scientific and historical points of view 
will be realized later, and it is safe to say that the ethno- 
logical publications of the government will in future gen- 
erations be the most precious of the many series of vol- 
umes issued from the national press. After the present 


generation has passed away there will be no opportunity 
to repeat the work which we are now doing, and as a 
record of primitive peoples this work, along with the 
work emanating from other and private sources, will 
stand alone on the pages of the world's history. 

From present indications it would appear that the 
great bulk of the burden of responsibility for the work 
of anthropological research in the future must fall upon 
the shoulders of societies and private institutions and 
such patrons as may appreciate at their just value the 
efforts being made to preserve a reasonably complete 
history of the fast-vanishing American race and its re- 
markable culture. The responsibility should be assumed 
with appropriate courage. 


By Dan Elbert Clark 

The long deadlock, from 1846 to 1848, which preceded 
the election of the first United States Senators was one 
of the most dramatic episodes in the political history of 
Iowa, and has, moreover, a significance and an interest 
which extend beyond the bounds of the State. Not only 
was the young Commonwealth for two years deprived of ! 
its right to be heard in the Senate, but the whole West 
suffered to a certain extent from the lack of the influence 
which two loyal western Senators would have exerted in 
behalf of the welfare of the whole region, at a time when 
such influence was badly needed. 

Furthermore, this election contest is of interest on 
account of the character of the men who were finally 
chosen. One of them, Augustus Caesar Dodge, was born 
not sixty miles from St. Louis, at Ste. Genevieve, and was, 
according to his biographer, the first United States Sen- 
ator born west of the Mississippi River. After a success- 
ful term in the Senate, he served as United States min- 
ister at the Court of Spain. The other Senator, George 
W. Jones, was born in Indiana, but early in life he moved 
across the Mississippi and like Dodge resided for a time 
at Ste. Genevieve. He served two terms in the Senate 
and then accepted from President Buchanan the post of 
Consul at Bogota. 

In view of the broader significance of this election, 
therefore, it may not be out of place at a meeting of this 
character to consider briefly the main facts in an incident 
which on its face might seem of interest only in the loca 
history of the Commonwealth of Iowa. 


When, late in the summer of 1846, the long contro- 
versy over boundaries had been settled and it was defin- 
itely decided that Iowa should be admitted into the Union, 
leading politicians began to cast their nets for the many 
choice offices which statehood would create. The most 
coveted of the new offices naturally were the two seats 
in the United States Senate, and the contest began early 
and grew in bitterness as time progressed. 

The first general election for State officers and for 
members of the General Assembly was held on October 
26, 1846. During the weeks immediately preceding the 
election newspaper editors called the attention of their 
readers to the fact that two United States Senators were 
to be chosen by the General Assembly, and that the politi- 
cal complexion of the legislature would determine wheth- 
er Whigs or Democrats would receive these much desired 
offices. National as well as local issues were freely dis- 
cussed during the campaign which was one of unusual 

The Democrats were the dominant party in Iowa at 

this time, and on October 26, 1846, they elected their 

entire State ticket and secured twelve of the nineteen 

Senators; while the Whigs elected twenty out of the 

thirty-nine Eepresentatives. Thus it appeared that the 

Democrats would have a clear majority on joint ballot, 

and would be able to reward two of their faithful leaders 

by electing them to the dignified position of United 

states Senator. Consequently it was within the ranks of 

.'.he Democratic party that the greatest hopes were raised. 

pandidates for the nomination announced themselves 

jarly, and began to canvass the State in support of 

heir claims. Among the Whigs there were doubtless 

pany who looked with equal longing toward the senator- 

jhips, but belonging to the minority party, they lacked 

jhe prospect of probable or even possible success to in- 

pire them to an active campaign. It was not until after 



the assembling of the legislature, when the outlook was 
brighter, that the Whig aspirants seem to have exerted 
themselves to any great extent. 

A stir was produced in both parties, however, when 
it was discovered that in Lee County an independent 
legislative ticket, composed of both Whigs and Demo- 
crats, had been elected, and that the orthodoxy of the 
three Locofoco members could not be depended upon. 
Naturally there was much speculation as to the course 
these three Independent Democrats from Lee County 
would take in the election of United States Senators. If 
they should vote with the Democrats it was reasonably 
certain that Locofoco Senators would be chosen. On 
the other hand, if they voted with the Whigs there migh 
be a victory for that party ; while if they should vote in 
dependently they might even prevent an election. Thusj 
an element of uncertainty added interest to the contest. 
and both parties maneuvered for the support of the three 
doubtful members. 

A majority of the Democrats of the southern pari 
of the State, from the first, seem to have favored Augus 
tus Caesar Dodge, of Burlington, whose services for twc 
years as Eegister of the Land Office at Burlington hac 
made him many friends, and who, as Delegate to Con 
gress for six years, had demonstrated his ability to can 
faithfully for the interests of his constituents. In th< 
northern portion of the State popular sentiment amon; 
the Democrats was divided in support of a number o 
men, the most prominent of whom were Judge Thomas £ 
Wilson, Stephen Hempstead, and Lewis A. Thomas - 
all of Dubuque. The northern and southern portions o 
the State were equally determined that the other sectio 
should not capture both of the senatorships. Thus, a 
this early date there was begun that sectional strife whic 
for so many years troubled the waters of the senatori* 
sea at election time. Indeed, it was not until in con 


paratively recent years that the discordant cry of the 
sectionalist ceased to be heard whenever a new Senator 
was to be selected. 

The meeting of the First General Assembly of the 
new State at Iowa City, on November 30, 1846, drew to 
the seat of government a great number of people from 
all parts of the State. ' ' The taverns and all the private 
boarding houses are crowded to overflowing" was the 
statement of a local editor. "Some have come hither 
to enjoy a few gala days with their friends in the legis- 
lature, and to see the wheels of the new government set 
in motion ; but from the Senatorial and Judge-like faces, 
which meet us at every turn, we are inclined to believe 
that nearly half of the lobby members are aspirants to 
seats in the United States Senate, or on the Supreme 
Bench of Iowa, or the influential friends of those who 
aspire to put on the Senatorial robe, or the ermine of 
Justice. ' ' 

Both parties held early caucuses. Although no rec- 
ords have been found, the Whigs seem to have deter- 
mined upon Jonathan McCarty and Gilbert C. E. Mitch- 
t ell ; while Judge Thomas S. Wilson and Augustus Caesar 
I Dodge were the choice of the Democrats. 

On Saturday, December 5, 1846, a resolution was 

: adopted in the House of Representatives providing for 

a joint convention for the election of United States Sen- 

jators and Supreme Court Judges. The resolution was 

sent to the Senate where certain amendments were made. 

iThe House refused to concur in these amendments, the 

i Senate insisted, and the House continued to disagree. 

A committee of conference was appointed by each house, 

but all to no purpose ; affairs seemed at a standstill. 

In the midst of these proceedings, when the atmos- 
phere was already overcharged with excitement, a new 
sensation was caused by exposure of an attempt at brib- 
ery. Shortly after two o'clock on the afternoon of De- 


cember 9, 1846, Nelson King, member from Keokuk 
County, rose in his place in the House of Bepresenta- 
tives, and announced that since taking his seat he had 
been approached by several persons with offers of pecun- 
iary and other reward if he would vote for Augustus 
Csesar Dodge or J. C. Hall for Senator. An investigat- 
ing committee was immediately appointed and excitement 
reigned high. In the discomfiture of the Democrats at 
King's startling announcement the Whigs found a sooth- 
ing balm for their own wounded feelings. The attempt, 
at bribery and corruption furnished Whig newspaper! 
men with abundant material for columns of scathing 
denunciation and stinging satire. 

Meanwhile both branches of the General Assembly 
were endeavoring to secure a joint convention upon 
terms which accorded with the wishes of their respective 
majorities. The Democrats in the Senate insisted on 
choosing the Senators before going into an election for 
Judges; while the Whig Eepresentatives were equally 
determined that the Judges should be selected first. 
However, when the legislature had been in session three 
weeks and the prospect of an agreement seemed as distant 
as ever, the Whigs were ready to recede from their 
uncompromising position and make concessions to the 
Locofocos. Consequently, after some further difficulty, 
satisfactory arrangements were made. 

On Friday morning, December 18, 1846, the two 
houses of the General Assembly of Iowa met for the first 
time in joint convention for the election of United States 
Senators. No doubt deep silence reigned over the crowd- 
ed hall as Silas A. Hudson began to read the alphabetical 
list of members, and each in turn cast his ballot for the 
man of his choice. When the last name had been callec 
and the votes were counted, it was found that Jonathan 
McCarty, the Whig candidate, had received twenty-nine 
votes ; while Thomas S. Wilson, the Democratic nominee, 


had only twenty-eight votes. Senator Huner and Repre- 
sentatives Clifton and Conlee, the doubtful members 
from Lee County, voted for McCarty, but to the surprise 
of all, Senator Fullenwider, a staunch Whig, cast his 
ballot for Gilbert C. E. Mitchell. Thirty votes were 
necessary to elect, and therefore Samuel Fullenwider 's 
failure to vote with his Whig brethren was the means of 
defeating McCarty. 

When the result was announced the excitement which 
had been suppressed during the balloting burst all bounds 
and a lively scene ensued, ending in an adjournment of 
the joint convention until January 5, 1847. The recess 
was a period of scheming and intrigue on the part of the 
aspirants for the senatorships, and in the public press a 
bitter and vituperative war of words was waged. 

On the morning of January 5, the Senate was in- 
formed that the House would be prepared to meet in joint 
convention that afternoon at two o'clock. Two o'clock 
came, but no Senators appeared in the hall of the House 
of Representatives, and again the chief clerk was sent to 
remind them that the hour for the joint convention had 
arrived. The summons passed unheeded. The Demo- 
cratic majority in the Senate, seeing no possibility of 
electing Locofocos, was determined to prevent any elec- 
tion. Day after day passed and even the most optimistic 
lost all hope of electing United States Senators. Reso- 
lutions were passed by the House, but all to no purpose ; 
the Senate would not concur. On February 25, 1847, the 
First General Assembly adjourned sine die, and legisla- 
tors, lobbyists, and disappointned office-seekers departed 
jfor their homes. Thus ended the first act in the dramatic 
contest over the election of the first United States Sena- 
tors from Iowa, and the young Commonwealth was de- 
prived of its full share of the first fruits of statehood. 

During the spring and summer of 1847 the senatorial 
question seems to have received little attention, but late 


in the fall there was a sudden revival of interest, due to 
rumors that Governor Briggs intended to call a special 
session of the legislature. It was asserted by the Whigs 
that pressure from Washington had been brought to bear 
upon the Governor to induce him to call an extra session, 
in the hope that Democratic Senators would be elected 
who would bolster up the waning fortunes of the Polk 

The General Assembly convened in extra session on 
Monday, January 3, 1848, and the first day was con- 
sumed in effecting an organization. Whether party cau- 
cuses were held or not is not known, but Judge Thomas 
S. Wilson and Augustus Caesar Dodge seem to have been 
the favorites among the Democrats, while the Whigs cen- 
tered their efforts on defeating their opponents without 
strongly advocating any candidates. 

All hope of the election of Senators, however, soon 
faded away in a bitter controversy over the right of 
certain Democratic members of either house, but more 
especially of the Senate, to retain their seats. The Whigs 
still had a majority in the House, and they refused to go 
into joint convention as long as the contested Democrats 
were allowed to remain. In this position the Whigs per- 
haps were justified for at least three of the contested 
members were clearly not entitled to their seats. But the 
Democratic Senate refused to declare the seats vacant 
and so days passed and nothing was done. On the 25th 
of January the legislature adjourned without accomplish 
ing the most important objects for which the extra session 
had been called. Partisan politics and personal jealousy 
had for a second time prevented the election of United 
States Senators. 

Interest in the senatorial contest did not wholly 
subside during the early months of 1848, for it was real 
ized that in December a new General Assembly woulc 
convene and in all probability the long continued dead- 


lock would be broken. At the August election the Demo- 
crats rallied to the polls in full force, and not only elected 
their entire State ticket but secured a substantial major- 
ity in both branches of the legislature. Many weeks be- 
fore the opening of the General Assembly Democratic 
candidates for the senatorships traversed the State in 
the effort to create public sentiment and enlist the interest 
of legislators in their behalf. The "Whigs, hopelessly in 
the minority, apparently took little part in the campaign. 
Between rival candidates in the Democratic party, how- 
ever, a sharp contest was waged. Augustus Caesar 
Dodge was again the favorite with the people of the 
southern part of the State, although he was not without 
some opposition. In the northern section Judge Thomas 
S. Wilson was once more a promising candidate, but a 
new star had appeared in the person of George W. Jones 
of Dubuque, formerly Delegate to Congress from the Ter- 
| ritory of Wisconsin. Between these two men there began 
a bitter contest which not only added excitement to this 
I particular campaign, but was continued with growing 
I intensity throughout many subsequent years. 

The legislature assembled for the second regular 
i session on December 4, 1848. On the following evening 
i the Democratic members of both houses, thirty-eight in 
all, met in caucus. On the first ballot Augustus Caesar 
I Dodge received every vote and was duly declared a candi- 
date. A second and a third ballot were then taken for 
the remaining candidate, but without success. On the 
I fourth ballot, however, George W. Jones was chosen by 
a vote of twenty-eight to ten over his nearest competitor, 
I Thomas S. Wilson. 

No faithful chronicler has made public the record of 
j the Whig caucus, if any there was, but it is evident that 
I the Whigs in the legislature agreed to give the empty 
j compliment of their support to William H. Wallace and 
s Ralph P. Lowe. 


At two o'clock on the afternoon of December 7, the 
two houses met in the hall of the House of Bepresenta- 
tives, where were gathered many friends of the various 
candidates. This time, however, there was not the breath- 
less excitement of two years before, for the element of 
uncertainty was lacking. A Democratic victory could be 
the only possible result. When the votes were counted 
it was found that Augustus Caesar Dodge and George W. 
Jones were each elected by a majority of nineteen votes. 

Thus, after two years of unrepresented statehood, 
the voice of Iowa was at last to be heard in the Senate of 
the United States. Dodge and Jones, hastening to the 
National Capital with their certificates of election and 
credentials, were presented in the Senate on December 
26, 1848, and took the seats assigned to them. The clas- 
sification of the two new Senators was then determined 
by lot. George W. Jones drew the long term which would 
expire in March, 1853 ; while the term drawn by Augustus 
Caesar Dodge was to end in March, 1849. 

Whether in this long contest the Whigs or the Demo- 
crats were the most to be censured is perhaps an even 
question. Both parties exhibited a reprehensible readi- 
ness to sacrifice public interest at the shrine of party 
welfare and personal ambition. The whole episode is a 
typical illustration of the mad rush for office which has 
usually accompanied the organization of new Common- 
wealths. It is an indication of the loose, unorganized 
condition of political parties in a frontier community, 
and of the unscrupulous methods which even in the 
"good old days of our fathers' ' were employed to secure 
positions of public trust. Fortunately in this case the 
choice fell to men of experience and at least moderate 
ability, who faithfully served the interests of their State. 

LOUIS, 1780 

By James Alton James 

Scarcely had the Revolution begun when Oliver Pol- 
lock, as agent of Virginia, began his zealous endeavors 
to secure assistance from the Spanish authorities at New 
Orleans for the American cause. 1 He was so far success- 
ful that, during the summer of 1776, he obtained ten 
thousand pounds of powder from Governor Unzaga, the 
most of which was delivered by Lieutenant William Linn 
at Wheeling at a time when that Post and Fort Pitt 
needed it greatly for protection and to further their 
dealings with the Indians. 2 

Don Bernardo De Galvez, who became Governor in 
January, 1777, at once tendered his services to Pollock 
and assured him that he would go every possible length 

1 Oliver Pollock was also appointed agent of Congress early in 1778. — 
Copy of a letter of Oliver Pollock to the President of Congress, September 
18, 1782, in Virginia State Library. 

2 (a) One means of gaining the friendship of the Indians was through 
the distribution of powder. They had been told by the British that the 
Colonists had none. 

(b) This plan, to secure powder from New Orleans, was conceived 
by Captain George Gibson of the Virginia Line. It was sanctioned by the 
authorities of Virginia. Accompanied by Lieutenant William Linn, Captain 
Gibson set out for New Orleans, July 19, 1776. Arriving at New Orleans, 
in order to quiet the suspicions of the British Consul, Gibson was thrown 
into prison by order of the Spanish Governor. Oliver Pollock succeeded 
in getting 10,000 pounds of powder from the Spanish authorities, paying 
therefor $1800. Lieutenant Linn, with 43 men, left New Orleans Sep- 
tember 22, with a cargo of 98 kegs (9,000 pounds) of powder in barges. 
The expedition arrived at Wheeling the following May. Captain Gibson, 
after his release, returned with the remainder of the powder in packages 
which concealed the contents. 


for the interests of Congress. 3 He declared that the port 
of New Orleans would be open and free to American com- 
merce and to the admission and sale of prizes made by 
American crnisers. British vessels on the lower Mis- 
sissippi were seized and confiscated upon his orders. 4 He 
refused the demand made by the Governor of Pensacola 
for the surrender of Pollock. A number of large boats 
were loaded at New Orleans for Fort Pitt. By the end 
of the year 1777 Galvez had aided the Americans by send- 
ing arms, ammunition, and provisions to the Mississippi 
posts and the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia to 
the amount of seventy thousand dollars. 5 No objection 
was offered to the equipping of an expedition at New 
Orleans by which Captain Willing, early in 1778, with 
fifty men, surprised and captured British vessels, made 
use of them in the American service and laid waste the 
possessions of British planters from Bayou Manchac to 
Natchez. 6 The people of Louisiana sympathized with 
this attack by which crops and stock were destroyed, 
houses burned and slaves carried away. British planters, 
themselves, took refuge on the west side of the river 
under protection of the Spanish flag. Early in 1778 the 
British flag was excluded from the Mississippi. 7 In fact, 
everything seems to have been sanctioned by the Spanish 
authorities short of open hostilities. 

There can be no doubt that Spain was prompted to 
this seemingly generous conduct through the hopes of 
ultimate gain. Patrick Henry, then Governor of Vir- 
ginia, well understood what arguments would be most 

s Oliver Pollock to the President of Congress, September 18, 1782. 
It has been suggested that Galvez acted under secret instructions from Spain. 
See Gayarre's History of Louisiana, Vol. Ill, p. 109. At the time, his 
uncle, Don Jose de Galvez, was President of the Council of the Indies. 

* Between Balize and Manchac. 

^Gayarre's History of Louisiana, Vol. Ill, p. 117. 

e Letter of Oliver Pollock, September 18, 1782. 

7 Gayarre's History of Louisiana, Vol. Ill, p. 117. 


forceful when, in acknowledging the aid already given, 
he pleads with the Governor of Cuba for further assist- 
ance. 8 "We are well acquainted, Sir," he wrote, "with 
the Honour, Spirit and Generosity of the Spanish nation, 
and should therefore glory in an intimate Connection with 
it — For I suppose, I need not inform your Excellency, 
that these States are now free and Independent, capable 
of forming Alliances and of making Treaties. I think the 
Connection might be mutually beneficial, for independent, 
of the Beef, Pork, live Stock Flour, Staves, Shingles, and 
several other articles with which we could supply your 
Islands, we have vast quantities of Skins, Furs, Hemp 
and Flax, which we could, by an easy inland navigation 
bring down the Mississippi to New Orleans from our back 
Country, in exchange for your Woollens, Linens, Wines, 
Military Stores etc., and were you once restored to the 
Possessions you held in the Floridas (which I sincerely 
wish to see, & which I make no Doubt these States would 
cheerfully contribute to accomplish) the advantages to us 
both in a Commercial View would be greatly increased. 
The English, indeed insinuate that it would be impolitic 
in your nation to assist us in our present Situation ; but 
you are too wise not to perceive how much it is their 
Interest that you Should be imposed upon by this Doc- 
trine & how much more formidable they must be to you 
with the Assistance of America than without it ; and you 
must be too well acquainted with the Nature of our 
States to entertain any Jealousy of their becoming your 
Rivals in Trade, or, overstocked as they are with vast 
tracts of Land, that they should ever think of extending 
their Territory." 

In like manner, as the price of assistance, he present- 
ed to the Governor at New Orleans, the advantages which 
would accrue to Spain through the control of the trade 

s Letter, October 18, 1777. — Attested copy in Virginia State Library; 
original destroyed. 


of the Southern States and the deprivation of their "an- 
cient & natural Enemy the English of all those vast sup- 
plies of naval Stores & many other Articles which have 
enabled them to become so powerful on the Seas ' \ Again 
in possession of Pensacola and St. Augustine they would 
be able, he thought, "to enjoy a great part of the Trade 
of our Northern States". To facilitate intercourse by the 
way of the Mississippi, he proposed to establish a post at 
the mouth of the Ohio. 9 

"While the British authorities were partially aware 
of the attitude of Spain towards the colonists, they waited 
for some more overt act. 10 "Though I have no doubt 
this minute of the existence of a Spanish as well as a 
French war," Lieutenant Governor Hamilton wrote on 
January 24, 1779, "yet I have, as yet, no accounts by 
which I may venture to act on the offensive against the 
subjects of Spain, which I ardently desire, as there would 
be so little difficulty of pushing them entirely out of the 
Mississippi." 11 Three objects, among others, it was 
hoped to accomplish by Hamilton's expedition. These 
were : (1) to erect a fort at the junction of the Mississippi 
and the Ohio which was to constitute a "bridle" on Amer- 
ican trade; (2) to get control of the mouth of the Mis- 
souri with the hope of underselling the Spaniards and 

9 Letter, October 18, 1777, attested copy. 

10 General Carleton, as early as October, 1776, was advised by Boche- 
blave of the correspondence between the Colonists and the Spanish Governor 
at New Orleans. Carleton urged Hamilton that care should be taken that 
nothing be pursued which may have a tendency to create a breach between 
the nations ; that the Spanish side of the Mississippi must be respected upon 
all occasions. — Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, p. 344. 

Lieutenant Governor Hamilton, on February 13, 1779, wrote to 
Governor Galvez expressing a hope that the commerce in gunpowder with 
the rebels would be prohibited. — Canadian Archives, Eeport, 1882, p. 25. 
Captain Bloomer was stationed at Natchez engaged in intercepting supplies 
sent to the American posts from New Orleans. — Canadian Archives, Eeport, 
1882, p. 26. 

ii Hamilton to Haldimand, January 24, 1779. 


thus gain the favor of the Indians of that region ; 12 and 
(3) by dislodging the " rebels' ' from the Illinois to regain 
the Mississippi trade which otherwise, as an English 
official expressed it, would be completely " knocked up" ; 13 
and at the same time contribute to the security of the 
Floridas. 14 

For Spain, the prize ultimately sought was not the 
trade of the Mississippi alone, so generously proffered by 
Governor Henry, but the possession of the entire valley. 
This object in view, a treaty between France and Spain 
was agreed upon in April, 1779. The formal declaration 
of war against Great Britain quickly followed; and in 
July of that year Governor Galvez was authorized to at- 
tack Natchez and other British posts on the east bank 
of the Mississippi. 15 

On June 17, the day following the declaration of war 
by Spain, Lord George Germain directed General Hal- 
dimand to order hostilities to begin immediately with an 
attack on New Orleans and other Spanish posts on the 
river. 16 General Campbell was ordered to proceed up the 
Mississippi to Natchez with an army and fleet. He was 
there to be joined by a force from the north, St. Louis 
having been captured en route. 17 

In spite of an adverse decision by his council, Gov- 
ernor Galvez determined, on his own authority, to attack 
at once the British Posts. 18 He marshalled a force of 1430 
men, made up of regular troops, militia, and volunteers 

12 Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, pp. 477, 478. 

is De Peyster to Haldimand, September 21, 1778. — Michigan Pioneer 
Collections, Vol. IX, p. 371. 

i* Haldimand to Clinton, November 10, 1778. — Draper Manuscript 
Collections, Vol. 58, J, 2. 

i 5 Gayarre's History of Louisiana, Vol. Ill, p. 121. 

is Canadian Archives, 1885, p. 276. 

17 Sinclair to Brehm, February 15, 1780. — Wisconsin Historical Col- 
lections, Vol. XI, pp. 145, 147. 

i 8 Gayarre's History of Louisiana, Vol. Ill, p. 122. The council 
recommended preparation for defense only. 



— among the last being Oliver Pollock and nine other 
Americans. Although poorly equipped for offensive 
operations, Galvez led his force against Ft. Manchac and 
captured it on September 8th. Baton Bouge, a strongly 
fortified post, was the next object of attack. By clever 
strategy the Spaniards gained an advantage which led 
to a capitulation, September 21st. Not only did they gain 
possession of this post with its five hundred defenders 
and thirteen pieces of heavy artillery, but the terms of 
surrender also included Natchez, one hundred and thirty 
miles up the river. 19 Galvez, returning to New Orleans, 
made active preparations for an expedition against Mo- 
bile. Because of his successes no difficulties were en- 
countered in securing a force of two thousand men, with 
which he set sail early in February, 1780. 20 Mobile was 
surrendered without the necessity of an assault. During 
the progress of these events, General Campbell with his 
fifteen hundred regular troops remained at Pensacola, 
making little effort to carry out the orders of his govern- 
ment. Galvez made every preparation during the re- 
mainder of the year to go against this strongly fortified 
and well garrisoned post. Under very adverse circum- 
stances, he succeeded through a combined attack of naval 
and land forces in accomplishing his purpose on May 9, 
1781. 21 With Pensacola the province of West Florida, 
also, became a Spanish possession. 

Meantime, the British authorities at Mackinac and 
Detroit lost no time in carrying out their orders. A war 
party of Indians was dispatched by Lieutenant Governor 
Sinclair of Mackinac to enlist the services of Wabasha, 
the illustrious Chief of the Sioux, who was attached to 
the British interests and could at the time muster two 

is Gayarre 's History of Louisiana, Vol, III, pp. 127-130. 

20 Gayarre 's History of Louisiana, Vol. Ill, p. 135. 

2i Gayarre 'a History of Louisiana, Vol. Ill, pp. 135-147. 


hundred warriors from his tribe. 22 Wabasha was to pro- 
ceed with all dispatch as far down as Natchez, there to 
join General Campbell, having made as many intermedi- 
ate attacks as possible. 23 

Sinclair entrusted the command of an expedition 
against the Spanish and Illinois country — the conquest 
of which would be an easy task as he believed — to a 
trader, Emanuel Hesse. 24 On February 15, 1780, Captain 
Hesse was ordered to assemble for that purpose, at the 
portage of the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, the Menom- 
inee, Sacs, Foxes, and Puants. Accompanied by these 
Indians, and with a plentiful stock of provisions, Hesse 
descended the Wisconsin to the Mississippi, where he was 
joined by Matchikuis and his Ottawa braves. 25 To this 
chieftain, flattered with the title of general and the priv- 
ilege of wearing the scarlet coat and epaulettes of the 
British, was given the chief command of the Indians. 26 

On May 2d the entire force consisting of some nine 
hundred and fifty traders, servants, and Indians, set out 
on their five hundred mile voyage for the attack on the 
Spanish and Illinois country. 27 While awaiting the In- 

22 The Sioux were selected for they were, as stated by Sinclair, 
I \ undebauched, addicted to war, and jealously attached to His Majesty's 
interest ' '. — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 147. 

It is evident, then, according to Sinclair, that the surrender of Ham- 
ilton was having a telling effect on Indian constancy. He wrote, February 
15, 1780, as follows: "Lieut. Gov. Hamilton's disaster has nothing in it 
to make the Scioux and other nations far to the westward, even to recollect 
the circumstance, many of them never heard of it. ' ' — Wisconsin Historical 
Collections, Vol. XI, p. 144. 

23 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, pp. 146-148. 
2* Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 151. 

25 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 232, 234. 

26 Matchikuis, it was, who in 1763 surprised Mackinac. Under pre- 
tence of playing, he kicked the ball over the fort pickets, rushed in with 
his band, with arms concealed, and accomplished his purpose. — Wisconsin 
Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 224. Wabasha also had the title of 

27 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 151. The number is 
based on the statement of Governor Sinclair that there were 750. With the 


dian detachments at Prairie du Chien, an armed boat 
from St. Louis with thirteen men was taken. An ex- 
pedition dispatched to the lead mines succeeded in cap- 
turing seventeen prisoners and large quantities of sup- 
plies, and prevented the shipment of fifty tons of lead 
ore. 28 Various motives were adduced to stir up enthu- 
siasm for the expedition. The northern Indians were 
incited through the opportunity thus offered to fall on 
their hereditary foes, the Illinois tribes. 29 Traders who 
should aid in securing the Spanish posts were to be given 
the exclusive right to the Missouri trade for the ensuing 
winter. 30 

Three other simultaneous movements were projected, 
all of them planned with the view of contributing to the 
success of the one under Captain Hesse. Captain Lang- 
lade, with a chosen band of Indians and Canadians, was 
directed to proceed from "Chicago and to make his at- 
tack by the Illinois river". 81 Another party was ordered 
to "watch the plains between the "Wabash and the Missis- 
sippi". The third and most formidable was that sent by 
Major De Peyster, Governor at Detroit, under Captain 
Henry Bird, to "amuse" Clark at the Falls of the Ohio. 32 

St. Louis, at the time, was a town of one hundred 
and twenty houses, chiefly of stone, and contained a pop- 
ulation of about eight hundred, the majority of whom 
were French. 33 It was the capital of Upper Louisiana 

200 Sioux already mentioned, the entire force was probably about 950. 
The Spaniards estimated 300 regular troops and 900 savages. — Wisconsin 
Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 406, 407. The force has been made, 
also, to consist of 1500. Eeported conversation between Benjamin Drake 
and William Clark. — Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 34, J, 35. 

28 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 151. 

29 Sinclair to Haldimand. — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. 
XI, p. 151; Vol. Ill, pp. 150, 154, 157. 

30 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 152. 
si Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 151. 

32 Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. X, p. 395. 

33 The name by which St. Louis had been known among the inhabitants 


and was in a flourishing condition, due to the fact that 
it was a leading center for the fur-trade. A number of 
villages on the Missouri and the Mississippi — such as 
Carondelet, St. Charles, and St. Ferdinand — had been 
settled from this center. The Spanish garrison consist- 
ed of fifty men under the command of Captain Don Fer- 
nando De Leyba. 34 

The Americans at the beginning of the war were 
scarcely aware of the existence of such a village. They 
were ignorant of its location, as is manifest from the 
following incident. Col. George Morgan, Indian Agent 
at Pittsburg, in a letter of inquiry to Governor Henry 
early in the year 1777, says : ' ' The County Lieutenant, 
who is ordered to send 100 men to meet Capt. Lynn with 
the powder is at a loss to know how far to proceed or 
where St. Louis on the Mississippi is — There being one 
place of that name 160 miles above the mouth of Ohio — 
and no settlement or fort less than 400 miles below the 
Ohio — the nearest is at the Eiver Arkansa." 35 In the 
absence of the Governor, John Page, the Acting Gov- 
ernor answered with splendid official agreeableness : u We 
are at a loss to know where St. Louis is, as much as you 
can be, but suppose it to be where you mention. ' ' 36 

St. Louis was really discovered to the Americans by 

for many years was "Pancore" (abbreviated from Pain Court, meaning 
without bread). — Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 8, J, 55. 

34 Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. II, No. 6, p. 45. 

35 Morgan Letter Book, Vol. I. Upon the return of Captain Gibson 
to Virginia orders were issued that assistance should be sent to Lieutenant 
Linn. Linn did not meet this company, however, and succeeded in the 
enterprise as before indicated. For the orders, see Thwaites and Kel- 
logg 's Bevolution on the Upper Ohio, pp. 226-229. 

3( 3 April 15, 1777. — Thwaites and Kellogg 's Bevolution on the 
Upper Ohio, p. 248. 

Lieutenant Linn was well received by the Spanish Commandant on 
the Arkansas. Leaving that Post, he sent an express to St. Louis soliciting 
aid. He then hastened to pass the mouth of the Ohio before the time 
indicated and learned afterwards that he barely escaped capture by Indians, 
sent probably by the Spanish authorities at St. Louis. 


George Rogers Clark. Relations between Colonel Clark 
and Governor De Leyba were begun directly after the 
capture of Kaskaskia, and became constantly more 
intimate through correspondence, through the influ- 
ence of Colonel Vigo — trusted associate of Clark and 
friend and business partner of De Leyba — and through 
the visits by Clark to the home of the latter in St. Louis. 
"This gentleman", Clark wrote Patrick Henry, Septem- 
ber 16, 1778, "interests himself much in favor of the 
States, more so than I could have expected. He has 
offered me all the force that he could raise in case of an 
attack by Indians from Detroit, as there is now no danger 
from any other quarter/ ' Governor Henry hastened to 
reciprocate this proffer of assistance. Colonel John 
Todd was instructed to tender friendship and services 
to the Spanish commandant and cultivate the strictest 
connection with his people. Colonel Todd was intrusted 
with a letter from Governor Henry to Governor De Ley- 
ba, which he was to "deliver in person". It is not im- 
probable, therefore, that Colonel Clark, who had intelli- 
gence early in 1780 of a projected attack on the Illinois 
country, 37 should have given timely warning to the Span- 
ish commandant. 38 St. Louis was in no condition to offer 
defense when, at the close of March, it was learned from 
a trader that a large body of the enemy was descending 
the Mississippi for an attack. 39 Intrenchments were im- 
mediately thrown up, which, during the attack, were 

37 Old inhabitants always spoke of "the Illinois'' as including the 
settlements about St. Louis and those of Illinois, but it did not include 
Vincennes. — Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 7, J, 55. 

3 8 Pierre Prevost, a Kaskaskian, who was engaged in the Indian 
trade on the upper Mississippi, wrote Clark, February 20, 1780, of the 
efforts which were being made from Mackinac to stir up the Sacs, Foxes 
and Sioux to make an attack on the "People of the Illinois". — Wisconsin 
Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 404, 405. 

Governor Leyba is said to have given no credence to the warning, po- 
litely declined all aid, and affirmed that the Indians were peaceable. 

39 Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. II, No. 6, p. 45. 


manned by a force consisting of twenty-nine regulars and 
two hundred and eighty-one villagers; orders were sent 
to the surrounding posts to send assistance ; 40 a platform 
was erected at one end of the town upon which were 
placed five cannon ; scouts were sent out ; and cavalrymen 
were stationed to act as a picket guard. 

"The enemy arrived", as indicated by the Spanish 
account, 41 "May twenty-sixth at one o'clock in the after- 
noon, and began the attack upon the post from the north 
side, expecting to meet no opposition; but they found 
themselves unexpectedly repulsed by the militia which 
guarded it. A vigorous fire was kept up on both sides, 
so that by the service done by the cannon on the tower 
where the aforesaid commander (Captain De Leyba) was, 
the defenders at least succeeded in keeping off a band of 
villians who, if they had not opportunely been met by 
this bold opposition on our part would not have left a 
trace of our settlements. There were also to be heard 
the confusion and the lamentable cries of the women and 
children who had been shut up in the house of the com- 
mandant, defended by twenty men under the lieutenant of 
infantry, Don Francisco Cartabona; the dolorous echoes 
of which seemed to inspire in the besieged an extraor- 
dinary valor and spirit, for they urgently demanded to 
be permitted to make a sally. The enemy, at last, seeing 
that their force was useless against such resistance, scat- 
tered about over the country, where they found several 
farmers who, with their slaves, were occupied in the la- 
bors of the field. If these hungry wolves had contented 
themselves with destroying the crops, if they had killed 
all the cattle which they could not take with them, this 
act would have been looked upon as a consequence of war, 
but when the learned world shall know that this desperate 

4 ° Lieutenant de Cartabona hastened from Ste. Genevieve with the 
local militia under Charles Valle and rendered signal service. 

4i Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 407, 408. 


band slaked their thirst in the blood of innocent victims 
and sacrificed to their fury all whom they found, cruelly 
destroying them and committing the greatest atrocities 
upon some poor people who had no other arms than those 
of the good faith in which they lived, the English nation 
from now on may add to its glorious conquests in the 
present war that of having barbarously inflicted by the 
hands of the base instruments of cruelty the most bitter 
torments which tyranny has invented." So the Spanish 
account ends after reciting that the number of the killed 
and wounded was twenty-nine, and that twenty-four were 
made prisoners. 42 

In general, this narration of the Spanish zeal and 
courage satisfies the facts relating to the first repulse. 
No doubt, also, evidence existed for the declaration made 
by Lieutenant Governor Sinclair, that the defeat was 
owing (1) to the treachery of Calve, an interpreter, and 
Ducharme, a trader who commanded companies of the 
Indians; (2) to the want of secrecy whereby the Span- 
iards had received timely notice of the projected attack; 
or (3) to the backwardness of the Canadians. 43 But in 
addition to these three there was another, and it must be 
believed, more potent cause for the precipitate retreat 
which followed and the total defeat of the ultimate ob- 
jects hoped for by the British officials. That was the 
opportune appearance of George Bogers Clark, who was 
supposed to be beyond striking distance at the Falls of 
the Ohio. 44 

42 Forty-six others were made prisoners on the Mississippi, accord- 
ing to the same account. According to a British report seventy persons 
were killed, thirty-four taken prisoners, and forty-three scalped. — See 
Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 156. 

Another (report by Sinclair shows sixty-eight killed at St. Louis and 
eighteen made prisoners. — Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, p. 559. 

43 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, p. 154. 

44 It was known in Detroit, by May 17, that Clark had gone to the 
mouth of the Ohio. Doubtless this was one reason for pushing forward 
Bird 's expedition. — Canadian Archives, 1882, p. 35. 


While the foregoing events were occurring, Clark, 
following the directions of Governor Jefferson, had been 
engaged since April 19th in constructing a fort at the 
"Iron Banks", five miles below the mouth of the Ohio. 45 
There it was determined to concentrate all of the troops 
with the exception of a small number which might be nec- 
essary for the defense of the Illinois posts and to "sustain 
the spirits of the inhabitants". 46 While the location of 
this new fort was regarded as a necessary measure for 
the protection of the trade with New Orleans, the with- 
drawal of the troops was, at the time, even more obliga- 
tory. Paper money was no longer current in the Illinois 
country and hard money could not be secured. Bad 
crops and the severity of the preceding winter made it 
impossible to get supplies from the inhabitants until the 
next harvest. Besides, the French, whose stock of pro- 
visions was depleted, chafed under the exactions of mili- 
tary officials. "It gives me great uneasiness", said the 
Commissary General at Kaskaskia, 47 "to find the inhabit- 
ants put so little faith in Government that they even 
refuse the few soldiers who are here the necessary sup- 
plies of life, but I beg of you with advise of the court to 
furnish them with provisions from day to day, otherwise 
you may rely on their taking it wheresoever they find it 
without the least respect to the owners and in my opinion 
will be justified in so doing as it is unreasonable for any 
people to expect protection when they refuse supports 
of nature to the Soldiery. What provisions are furnish- 
ed I will settle with you for and am certain you will be 
paid to your satisfaction." 

45 Clark was at the Falls of the Ohio in March. — Draper Manuscript 
Collections, Vol. 50, J, 7. Jefferson's orders were for a fort near the 
mouth of the Ohio. 

46 Letter of Jefferson to John .Todd, January 29, 1780. — Draper 
Manuscript Collections, Vol. 50, J, 5. 

47 William Shannon to M. Cerre, Judge of the Court, May 28, 1780.— 
Shannon's Orderly Book, in Virginia State Library. 


The troops from Vincennes were already with- 
drawn, 48 but fortunately the evacuation of Kaskaskia had. 
not taken place when it was learned that an attack was 
imminent. Citizens of Cahokia, through Charles Gratiot, 
informed Clark of the alarming situation and urged him 
to return at once to their relief. "We are on the eve of 
being attacked", they said, "by considerable parties of 
savages and cannot work at the cultivation of our grounds 
if we have not prompt succor. For this reason we take 
the liberty of addressing you, having confidence in the 
kindness and affection you have always manifested for 
us." 49 With a small body of troops, Clark set out May 
13th, 50 receiving at the mouth of the Ohio other expresses 
from De Leyba and Colonel Montgomery, 51 also urging 
his immediate presence. Twenty-four hours after his 
arrival at Cahokia the attack was begun, 52 a short time 
after that at St. Louis. After a short skirmish the Brit- 
ish withdrew. 

The statement has often been made and as frequently 
denied that Clark before the attack on Cahokia crossed 
the river to St. Louis, and that it was his influence which 
caused the retreat of the British. 53 He claimed for him- 

48 Calendar Virginia State Papers, Vol. I, p. 358. The defense was 
intrusted to the militia. 

49 Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 50, J, 27. 

so Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 26, J, 14. 

si Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 51, J, 97. 

52 Montgomery, probably at Kaskaskia, met with Clark for the 
defense of Cahokia. — Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 28, J, 33. 

53 1 <■ When Gen. Clark arrived at Coho he was informed that the 
number of men at St. Louis collected at Kaskaskia and other places was 
between 300 and 400. He went over to St. Louis to review the troops as 
well as the works of defence. The Spanish commandant at St. Louis, on 
the arrival of Clark, offered him the command of both sides; but Clark 
declined taking the command until he could ascertain where the assault 
would be made. He continued only about two hours in St. Louis when he 
returned to Coho. " — Bradford 's Notes on Kentucky, pp. 54-56. This 
writer prepared his sketches firom notes given by General Clark and other 

Colonel Montgomery, February 22, 1783, said that Clark would have 


self and his men the honor of having saved St. Louis and 
the rest of Louisiana for the Spaniards. 54 It may well 
be believed that the knowledge that he was in the vicinity 
caused the Indians to withdraw. 

The main body of the attacking force retreated rapid- 
ly in two divisions — one by the Mississippi, the other 
directly across the country to Mackinac. 55 Langlade and 
his force escaped in two vessels and in canoes, thus pre- 
venting an attack on them by a force of two hundred 
Illinois cavalry which arrived at "Chicago" five days 
after his departure. Clark at once organized a force of 
some three hundred and fifty men — regulars, French 
volunteers from the Illinois posts, and Spaniards of St. 
Louis — which he sent under Colonel Montgomery against 
the Sauks and Foxes. 56 Proceeding up the Mississippi 
and the Illinois in boats as far as Peoria, they marched 
to the Indian villages on the Rock River. But the Indians 
had fled. 57 After burning the towns, Montgomery re- 

given the Spaniards assistance had not the strong winds prevented the 
signals from being heard. — Virginia Calendar of State Papers, Vol. Ill, 
p. 443. 

Henry M. Brackenridge visited St. Louis in 1811 and had a good 
opportunity to learn of events which happened in 1780. He wrote: "In 
1779, [1780] a combination of the Indian tribes prompted by the English, 
attempted a general invasion of the French villages on both sides of the 
river and accordingly descended in considerable force but were checked 
by General Clark, who commanded the American troops on the other side. 
An attack was, however, made upon a small settlement commenced within 
a few miles of the town, and the inhabitants were nearly all butchered; 
others who happened to be out of St. Louis were killed or pursued within 
a short distance of the town. It is said that upwards of eighty persons 
fell victims to their fury. ' ' — Brackenridge 's View of Louisiana, pp. 122, 

54 Letter to Genet, February 5, 1793. — Draper Manuscript Collec- 
tions, Vol. 55, J, 1. 

55 Sinclair to Haldimand, July 8. — Missouri Historical Society Col- 
lections, Vol. II, No. 6, pp. 48, 49. 

ee Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 51, J, 97. 

67 The failure of the expedition was attributed by the French to 
"the lack of management and bad conduct of the Virginians ' \ They were 


turned to his boats. The retreat of four hundred miles 
was accomplished after much suffering due to the almost 
total lack of provisions. 58 

Clark, himself, receiving intelligence of the British 
designs under Captain Bird, showed that promptness and 
energy so characteristic of him at the time. On June 5th, 
with a few men, he set out from Kaskaskia by boat for 
Fort Jefferson, barely escaping capture on the way. 59 
Unmindful of the dangers, he struck off, with two com- 
panions, 60 through the wilderness for Harrodsburg. In 
order to deceive the lurking bands of savages, they dis- 
guised themselves as Indians. On approaching the Ten- 
nessee Eiver, they were discovered by some Indians, and 
narrowly escaped capture. They crossed the Tennessee 
and the Kentucky rivers on rafts which they made by 
binding logs together with grapevines. Harrodsburg 
was reached a short time before the news that Euddle's 
and Martin's stations were captured by the British. 

While it is not the plan, in this paper, to consider the 
expedition from Detroit led by Captain Bird, the main 
features need to be recalled. During the winter and 
spring of 1780 Major De Peyster, then in command at 
Detroit, lavished vast treasure upon the assembled tribes 
in order to satisfy their ever growing demands and pre- 
pare them to assist in carrying out one part of the com- 
prehensive plan for the conquest of the whole West. 61 It 
was hoped to dislodge the Americans at the Falls of the 

not in sympathy with the Americans at the time. — Petition of Cahokians, 
Illinois Historical Society Collections, Vol. II, p. 54. 

ss Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. IX, pp. 291, 292. They 
were forced to subsist on dead horses a portion of the time. 

59 By Indians at the Island above the fort. He found that three 
men had been murdered near the fort and that two more were missing. — 
Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 26, J, 14. 

60 Major Josiah Harlan and Captain Herman Consola. 

61 General Haldimand wrote of the " amazing" sum of 64,035 
pounds expended in the over-indulgence of the Indians. — Michigan Pioneer 
Collections, Vol. X, p. 409. 


Ohio; and thus, by cutting the communication between 
Fort Pitt and the West, force the surrender of the Illi- 
nois posts. 62 Besides, immigrants were pouring into Ken- 
tucky in such numbers as to excite the apprehensions of 
the British officials. Major De Peyster wrote, May 17, 
1780 : ' ' The Delawares and Shawanese are daily bringing 
in scalps and prisoners, 63 those unhappy people being part 
of the one thousand families who, to shun the oppression 
of Congress are on their way to possess the country of 
Kentuck where if they are allowed quietly to settle, they 
will become formidable both to the Indians and to the 
Posts." 64 So terrible was the havoc wrought by these 
scouting parties upon the defenceless families scattered 
through the woods of Kentucky that petitions from vari- 
ous communities were sent to Clark asking that he come 
to the rescue lest the whole country should become a 
"mere scene of carnage and Desolation". "If you could 
Assist us in that peticular", they say, and, "Honour our 
interprize with your Presence and Command you would 
have the Consolation of redeeming from Destruction a 
Scattered divided and Defenceless people who have no 
other probable source of defence but through your 
means. ' ' 65 

Captain Bird, accompanied by one hundred and fifty 
Whites and one thousand Indians well armed, and with 
two pieces of light artillery, set out from Detroit early in 

62 Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, p. 634. 

63 Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. X, pp. 396, 409. 

64 Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. X, p. 396. 

De Peyster was commended for his foresight by General Haldimand. 
— Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, p. 635. 

Not less than three hundred family boats, with emigrants, reached 
the Falls of the Ohio during 1780. — Butterfield 's Life of Girty, p. 117. 

65 Petition from the inhabitants of Boonesborough, March 10, 1780. — 
Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 50, J, 19. 

A similar petition from Bryan's Station, March 13, 1780. — Draper 
Manuscript Collections, Vol. 50, J, 20. 


May. 66 His route was by way of the Maumee and the 
Miami rivers to the Ohio. His plan to attack the Ameri- 
cans at the Falls was suddenly changed, due in all prob- 
ability to the fact that he learned that Colonel Slaughter 
had arrived from Virginia with reinforcements, 67 and he 
knew also that the expedition against the Illinois had 
failed. Besides, he feared the return of Clark. 68 Pro- 
ceeding up the Licking, they fell on Ruddle's and Mar- j 
tin's stations, two small stockaded posts. Resistance 
was hopeless against the British cannon. 69 Bird, with no 
control over his blood-thirsty savages, was unable to 
carry out the terms of the capitulation. Satisfied with 
his slight success, he set out for Detroit with about one 
hundred prisoners laden with plunder, over the route by 
which he came. 70 Many of the women and children, un- 
able to bear the strain of the march, were relieved from 
their sufferings by the tomahawk. The cannon and shells 
were left at one of the Miami towns and were shortly 
afterwards buried 71 in order that they might not fall 
into the hands of Clark, who at once organized a retalia- 
tory expedition. 

66 De Peyster to Sinclair, May 18, 1780. — Michigan Pioneer Collec- 
tions, Vol. IX, p. 582. 

67 Major Slaughter, with one hundred men, was ordered to the Falls 
of the Ohio. — Letter from Jefferson to Clark, January 29, 1780, Draper 
Manuscript Collections, Vol. 50, J, 7. 

68 State Department Manuscripts. Testimony by Knox and H. Mar- 
shall before the Board of Commissioners, December 7, 1787. Their informa- 
tion was obtained from Clark and they were themselves in Kentucky at 
the time of the attack. 

69 Bird 'a force of Indians was then reduced to eight hundred. — 
Draper Manuscript Collections, Vol. 29, J, 25. 

Large numbers deserted him because of the report circulated by a 
Canadian trader that four thousand French, well armed, were intrenched 
at Post Vincennes. De Peyster to Haldimand, May 17, 1780. — Michigan 
Pioneer Collections, Vol. X, p. 395. 

70 Butler 's History of Kentucky, p. 112 ; Memorandum Book of Cap- 
tain John Dunkin captured at Euddle 's Station. — Draper Manuscript Collec- 
tions, Vol. 29, J, 25. 

7i Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. X, p. 418. 


In conclusion, then, we may assert that the attack 
on St. Louis was but one phase of a comprehensive plan, 
on the part of the British authorities, for the conquest of 
the West. It was the only one projected during the en- 
tire war which promised to succeed, and its failure was 
chiefly due to the influence of George Eogers Clark. 


By James Newton Baskett 

[Mr. Baskett did not read a paper, but discussed the subject ii 


By Roland G. Usher 

Probably the name Western Sanitary Commissi©] 
connotes little more to most students of the Civil Wa 
than the fact, so naturally inferred from the name itseli 
that it was a western philanthropic society engaged on 
small scale in that humane work for which the Unite* 
States Sanitary Commission and the United States Chris 
tian Commission were so noted. If, however, finding hi 
curiosity somewhat aroused, the student turns to th 
pages of Mr. Rhodes 's great history, he finds no mentioi 
whatever of this Commission and in consequence assume 
that it was not of sufficient importance to be mentioned 
in comparison with the United States Sanitary Commis 
sion. In Mr. Hosmer's volume, the Outcome of the Civ\ 
War in the American Nation Series, he will find two line 
which will tell him exactly what he already knows — thai 
the Western Sanitary Commission existed. A search i] 
Mr. Carr's History of Missouri is rewarded by a casua 
reference or two; but the student is still no wiser thai 
before and very likely at this point will cease to wonde! 
what an institution could have been which had not sue 
ceeded in leaving a trace in history as recorded by th 
scholars of its own and the succeeding generation. 


But suppose he happens, by accident, upon the arti- 
cle upon sanitary work during the War in the North 
American Review for January, 1864, he will expect to 
be at last rewarded with some statement which will show 
him the relative importance of this obscure Commission. 
In one way and another he has begun to associate it with 
Missouri and with St. Louis, but now he finds to his aston- 
ishment, that an article upon the benevolent associations 
of the country, published during the War in a leading 
review by a writer apparently well informed, not only 
does not mention the Western Sanitary Commission, but 
actually states that Missouri is "out of the sanitary 
circle.' ' It seems then to be true that no historian has 
considered it worth while to mention this Commission and 
its work. In fact, the student will delve deep in official 
reports and in letters and memoirs before he will be able 
to put together a connected account of an institution 
which was in fact one of the most powerful and best 
organized benevolent associations ever known in Ameri- 
ca. Prejudice and jealousy 1 in its own generation and 
ignorance in the succeeding have conspired to rob it of 
its true historical position. 

In reality the Western Sanitary Commission, founded 
in St. Louis in 1861 to cope with a purely local situation, 
bade fair within two years to outstrip the United States 
Sanitary Commission both in importance and in efficiency. 
Originally intended to mitigate the unnecessary suffering 
of the men wounded at the battle of Wilson's Creek and 
to provide adequate hospital accommodations in the city 
of St. Louis for such wounded men as might be brought 
there, the Commission was eventually administering to 

1 Besides the jealousy which the regular army surgeons constantly 
displayed towards all the sanitary commissions, the Western Sanitary Com- 
mission was much hampered by the attitude of the other commissions 
towards it and by their persistent attempts at Washington to deprive it of 
its privileges, which were never larger and frequently not as great as 
their own. 


the wants of all the Union armies west of the Alleghanies, 
The Rev. W. G. Eliot, a member of the Commission, wrote 
on August 21, 1863, to friends in Boston: "We have the 
whole army west of the Mississippi to see to, and a large 
part of General Grant's, and the gunboats/ ' 2 

In May, 1863, (to select one example of many) Mr. 
Yeatman, the president of the Commission, arrived at 
Vicksburg with a corps of surgeons, nurses, and dressers, 
numbering fifty-five in all, with two hundred and fifty 
tons of sanitary supplies, besides sufficient cots, mattress- 
es, and other articles needed to care for one thousand 
men. "By the time we arrived at Vicksburg", he wrote, 
"all sanitary stores [there] had become completely ex- 
hausted, and the new supplies in my charge were greatly 
needed. ' ' 3 In the single month of June, 1863, the West- 
ern Sanitary Commission sent and distributed among the 
wounded of Grant's army in the Vicksburg trenches 
114,697 articles. The list included 3,000 hospital shirts, 

2 The Western Sanitary Commission, a Sketch of its Origin, History, 
Laoors for the Sick and, Wounded of the Western Armies, and Aid given 
to Freedmen and Union Refugees, with Incidents of Hospital Life, St. 
Louis, 1864, (pp. 144, and index), p. 95. Published anonymously, there ia 
little doubt that the tract is the work of Bev. J. G. Forman, who early in 
the War was Chaplain of the 3rd Missouri Volunteers, then became one of 
the Commission's field agents, and was in 1864 its secretary. For internal 
evidence see pp. 112, 113. He was able to speak from actual experience 
and had of course access to all the Commission's records and to the private 
correspondence of its members. The pamphlet was wiritten to advertise: 
the Commission and is naturally very favorable to it; it was also a hasty 
piece of work (see pp. 137, 138) ; but it contains information which is 
invaluable. Printed material on the Commission's history is very scarce 
and consists chiefly of its own reports and of the reports of charitable 
organizations which were at one time and another in contact with it. 
Probably the best collection of this material is in the Washington University 
Library, St. Louis. By far the best account of the Commission now acces 
sible in print is in Mrs. Charlotte C. Eliot's admirable Life of William 
Greenleaf Eliot, Boston, 1904, pp. 212-288. Galusha Anderson's A Border 
City during the Civil War contains (pp. 288-315) a brief and rambling 
account drawn in the main from Forman and Mrs. Eliot. 

s Forman 's Western Sanitary Commission, p. 77. 


3,000 drawers, and blankets, bandages, lint, eye-shades, 
crutches, air beds, oiled silk pads, with stimulants and 
delicacies in endless array. And this, it should be re- 
jmembered, was the contribution for one month only and 
does not count the two hundred and fifty tons brought 
| by Mr. Yeatman in May. The capture of Vicksburg 
threw upon the sanitary commissions the added burden 
j of thirty thousand prisoners, most of whom were sick 
and exhausted by starvation, many of whom were wound- 
! ed, and all of whom were in dire need of the clean cloth- 
ing, stimulants, and medicines which only the sanitary 
commissions could supply. 

When Grant and Sherman moved to Chattanooga 
the agents of the Commission went with the army and 
distributed enormous quantities of goods. Nearly half a 
million articles, amounting to several hundred tons at a 
reasonable computation, were sent to Sherman's army 
I in Georgia between May 1 and November 1, 1864. 4 A 
large amount of supplies was actually forwarded to 
Sherman marked "For the Andersonville Prisoners"; 
but the general was unable to deliver them. Besides 
these more than considerable services rendered from 1861 
to 1865 to the large armies in the West, to whose needs 
the Western Sanitary Commission was usually the larg- 
est though by no means the only contributor, 5 the Com- 
mission was practically the only source of sanitary sup- 
plies for the smaller armies operating in Missouri, Ar- 
kansas, and the border States. 6 While, therefore, the 

* Eliot's Life of William Greenleaf Eliot, p. 248. 

5 The United States Sanitary Commission and the Christian Commis- 
sion sent considerable amounts to the West; and the State and local sani- 
tary organizations sent much to the front themselves, though usually they 
acted through the Western Sanitary Commission. 

6 Surgeon S. C. Harington of the 1st Kansas Colored Infantry, wrote 
to the Commission : ' ' The goods were exceedingly opportune, as there 
was a great destitution of such things here. Were it not for your Com- 
mission, the army must suffer greatly for want of things it most needs. ' ' — 
Forman's Western Sanitary Commission, p. 94. 


Commission was a St. Louis institution, officered by St. 
Louis men, its work was by no means local and deserves 
as much recognition as that of the United States Sanitary 
Commission and United States Christian Commission. 

The total value of the supplies distributed by the 
United States Sanitary Commission was greater than the 
amount expended by its western cousin ; 7 but the greater 
area available for its collections and contributions and 
the inclusion within its organization of several quasi- 
independent commissions, like the Northwestern Sanitary ! 
Commission (which enabled it to obtain the credit for 
work not strictly its own) , should be borne in mind when 
comparing the work of the West with that of the East. 

The variety of the Commission's activities is surpris- 
ing to any one not familiar with the possible demands 
upon benevolence in time of war. To most people a san- 
itary commission connotes hospitals, nursing the wound- 
ed, and perhaps field work such as the Red Cross now 
performs. It was in fact hospital work which Mr. Eliot 
and Mr. Yeatman had chiefly in mind when they founded 
the Commission ; but they speedily saw that the wounded 
man was by no means the only one with claims upon them. 
The experience of the English army in the Crimea had 
shown that death in armies is more often the result of 
sickness than of wounds received in battle. Dysentery, 
malaria, and scurvy, due in the main to the lack of vege- 
table food and a varied diet, to exposure, and to the bad 
drainage of most camps, regularly carried off during the 
Civil War, as in the Crimean, more men than did pitched 
battles. In fact, the real strength of an army depends 
more upon the care taken of the sick than of the wounded. 
Again, the wounded man lying on the ground after the 
battle parched with thirst is in immediate need of atten^ 
tion; but his pressing wants are soon attended to, and 

7 See the tables in the rare tract, The Philanthropic Results of the 
War in America, by an American Citizen. New York, 1863, p. 32. 


then the operation must be followed by weeks of convales- 
cence. He must be conveyed to some hospital and cared 
for ; he must be helped on his way home when discharged 
from "sick bay"; if he dies, he must be buried. 

Hence, besides field work carried on by surgeons and 
nurses with a "flying hospital" equipment, the Commis- 
sion provided floating hospitals on the rivers to carry the 
wounded to St. Louis where twelve hospitals with about 
eight thousand beds were waiting. The Commission 
owned thirteen floating hospitals, each accommodating 
from five hundred to one thousand patients. As the offi- 
cers seemed to deserve especial care, an officers' hos- 
pital was opened at Memphis, Tennessee. Soldiers' 
Homes to care for the furloughed or discharged 
soldiers, both weak and strong, were established at St. 
Louis ; Memphis, Tennessee ; Vicksburg, Mississippi ; He- 
lena, Arkansas; and Columbus, Kentucky. The soldier 
with no money to pay for a lodging; the soldier cured, 
but too weak to get home without weeks of further rest ; 
the Confederate exchanged and going south ; the Federal 
discharged and going north ; the f reedman just mustered 
in and on his way to the front — all these were welcome 
to come with friends and relatives to any of the homes 
of the Commission and to stay without money and with- 
out price as long as they liked. 8 

It was often exceedingly difficult for the men when 
discharged to secure their papers of honorable dismissal 
and the papers necessary to draw their pay. The official 
red tape was incomprehensible to most private soldiers, 
who only became more confused and irritated the longer 
they had to wait. Some men, well enough to travel but 

8 Up to the summer of 1864, these homes had entertained 152,000 
: soldier guests, and furnished 327,786 meals. — Foirman's Western Sanitary 
Commission, p. 86. 

For eases of the great good accomplished by such homes, see extracts 
from the reports of C. T. Chase, Illinois State Agent at Cairo, in Transac- 
tions of the Illinois State Sanitary Bureau, 1864, p. 92. 


sure to die within a few weeks, were anxious to spend 
their last hours at home but waited for permission to go 
until death took them. 9 Papers of leave of absence, or of 
discharge were sometimes returned by the official routine 
after the man was dead, buried, and forgotten. The 
Commission undertook to assist any soldier to procure 
his papers and pay without unnecessary delay, and to 
obtain for him such tickets and directions as he might 
need to get home. Another great difficulty frequently 
met during the War was the lack of care and system in 
most hospitals in regard to the registration of the sick 
and dead. A man fell on the field ; he was picked up and 
taken to some field hospital and then sent perhaps hun- 
dreds of miles from the battle field; he was reported 
missing at roll-call; and neither his regiment nor his 
friends knew where he was. Many men were thus "lost" 
and sleep in unmarked graves. 

The Western Sanitary Commission paid particular 
attention to the registration of the sick, wounded, and 
dead in its hospitals, and forwarded daily reports to the 
regiments in the field concerning the dead then in its 
hands. The preparation of the bodies for shipment to 
the friends of the deceased and the burial of the bodies 
unclaimed were important and onerous tasks. Where 
the body had to travel some distance, especially during 
the summer months, the accumulated gases generated by 
decomposition were likely to burst asunder any coffin that 
was not carefully constructed. Iron coffins and a special 

9 ' ' You will have noticed .... the names of a large number of our 
Illinois soldiers in hospitals, who cannot receive their pay, because they 
have been unable to obtain their descriptive rolls. This is a grievance 
which calls loudly for redress. ... It is a sin which lies at the tent doors of 
certain officers. ... I have met with several permanently disabled men, whcl i| 
had long been praying to be discharged, who assured me that they wej€ 
really ashamed to be seen loafing about the hospital, at the Government 
expense, when they could no longer be of service to it. ' J — Transaction 
of the Illinois State Sanitary Bureau, 1864, pp. 16, 17, 18, and 89. 


patented device for deodorizing the gases were much 
used by the Commission for this purpose. 10 

The soldier in the field, while not hedged round with 
such elaborate provisions for his wellbeing and comfort, 
and while not fed with the delicacies intended for the 
sick, as was charged by the press, 11 was an object of 
solicitude. Believing that the greatest enemy of the sol- 
dier was his own ignorance, a Treatise on the Preserva- 
tion of the Health of the Soldier was prepared and dis- 
tributed gratuitously and certainly contributed its mite 
towards redeeming the general health of the army. Gen- 
erals Grant and Sherman, however, by their orders and 
by their personal inspection and instruction accomplished 
more than hundreds of manuals in the hands of men who 
were at the best ill-prepared to put their directions into 

The Western Sanitary Commission also turned its 
attention to the conditions of the military hospitals and 
prisons in St. Louis ; and after experiencing a good deal 
of opposition on the part of the authorities, succeeded 
in introducing into the prison wards substantially their 
own regulations. They also spent much care and time in 
alleviating the distress of the Confederates imprisoned at 
Alton, Illinois. 12 Mr. Yeatman always insisted that the 
Confederate soldiers and wounded should always be 
treated exactly as were the Union troops. 

Some idea of the methods of the Commission and 
the need for its services is gained from the story of re- 
lief given the wounded after the battle of Pea Ridge. 13 

1° Forman 's Western Sanitary Commission, pp. 51, 52; Eliot's Life 
of William Greenleaf Eliot, p. 219. 

11 See in particular the refutation of these charges, as in the main 
1 groundless, by Mrs. Wittenmyer, the Iowa State Agent, in her Report, 
' 1864, pp. 7-9 ; Illinois State Sanitary Bureau Report, 1864 ; Forman 's 

Western Sanitary Commission, pp. 100-104. 

12 Forman 's Western Sanitary Commission, p. 88. 

13 See Forman 's Western Sanitary Commission, p. 28, where are 
given long extracts from the reports of the agents of the Commission. 


The fact that the battle had been fought about two 
hundred and fifty miles from Eolla, the terminus of the 
railroad, and at a place to be reached only after travers- 
ing roads of the very worst possible description, through 
a half civilized country, without hotels, bridges, or indeed 
means of conveyance, made the transportation of the 
wounded to St. Louis impossible. Moreover, the dis- 
tance of the army from its base of supplies and the 
deficiency of facilities for transportation, had not allowed 
the surgeons to provide themselves adequately for such 
unusual circumstances as they found. As a result the 
church and every house at Cassville were crowded with 
the thousand and more Federal wounded ; while at Pine- 
ville, a few miles away, every house in town and for 
some miles around was a hospital for the Confederate 
wounded who had been left in the hands of the Union 
troops by the retreat of Price. 

On the receipt of the news of this battle at St. Louis, 
the Sanitary Commission worked night and day, and sent 
off an agent, Mr. Plattenberg, on March 11th. He soon 
arrived at Eolla, but could not with all his efforts get his 
stores to the sick and suffering till March 25 — eighteen 
days after the battle. But his was the first aid to arrive. 
He " found part of the men on the floor, destitute of all 
comforts. They had neither bed sacks, blankets, nor 
sheets, not even tin cups or a tea pot." Some had a 
little straw under them ; a few had blankets or knapsacks 
for pillows. They "were lying in the clothes they fought 
in, stiff and dirty with blood and soil. . . . Their sheets 
had been torn up for bandages." Stimulants, much 
needed in the absence of anaesthetics, they had none ; nor 
were there even brooms to sweep and mops to wash the 
rooms. The Confederates at Pineville were even worse 
off because of the general lack of sanitary supplies ir 
Price's army and also because of the necessary retreal 
of his whole force. Until the Federal authorities came 


to their assistance, the Confederate surgeons in charge 
had nothing to give the wounded but a little parched corn 
and water. Mr. Plattenberg supplied the Confederates 
as fully as he did the Federals. 

No sooner was the War well under way than white 
refugees began to pour into St. Louis from southwestern 
Missouri and northern Arkansas — all in the most desti- 
tute and pitiable condition. True to its mission of reliev- 
ing suffering wherever found, the Commission at once 
hired a house and prepared to feed and clothe these 
destitute families and orphaned children. 14 The work in 
St. Louis was later extended to the people gathered 
around Helena and other spots in possession of the Union 

Perhaps the first consistent attempt, certainly the 

first organized attempt, to deal with the suffering freed- 

men, who crowded out to the banks of the Mississippi 

in search of the much heralded freedom, was made by the 

Western Sanitary Commission. Much money, much 

time, and a great deal of thought and personal endeavor 

was expended by Mr. Yeatman in trying to devise some 

scheme to remedy permanently the plight of these help- 

I less black men. The subject is, however, of such extent 

and importance that it must be reserved for another 

opportunity. The Commission labored faithfully to ele- 

j vate and christianize the negroes who enlisted in the 

army. During the period of drill, while they were at the 

i barracks, teachers were appointed to instruct them in 

I; reading, and some three thousand copies of Ser gent's 

j Standard Primer were purchased for their use. 

If we take into account the fact that the members of 

the Western Sanitary Commission were private citizens, 

the efficiency of its work becomes actually astonishing. 

', Three were, indeed, successful merchants ; one was a well 

14 Beport of the Western Sanitary Commission on the White Union 
j Refugees of the South, 1864. 


known physician ; and one was a clergyman of more than 
average ability and of really wonderful personal influ- 
ence. Bnt they had had no experience at sanitary work. 
These five men secured permission on September 5 from 
the military authorities at St. Louis to care for the 
wounded from the battle of Wilson's Creek, and five days 
later opened a five story hospital capable of accommodat- 
ing hundred patients. In those few days not only 
were beds and bedding provided and alterations of all 
sorts made in ventilation and in the shape and size of 
rooms, but baths and diet kitchens were constructed and 
a corps of surgeons and nurses made ready to receive 
the wounded. The battle of Pea Eidge was fought on 
March 8, 1862 ; the news reached St. Louis next day ; and 
two days later the agent of the Commission started for 
the front with a great quantity of supplies which had 
been gathered, packed, and shipped within forty-eight 
hours to meet an unexpected need. 

On April 8, 1862, the news of the battle of Shiloh 
arrived at St. Louis. The next day the Commission's 
hospital steamer "City of Louisiana" arrived with three 
hundred and fifty sick, having left previous to the battle. 
She was relieved of her wounded, re-provisioned and 
stocked with supplies in time to return next day, April 
10. She was followed in the evening by a temporary 
boat, the "Empress", fitted out for the occasion, within 
forty-eight hours, with medical and sanitary stores, 
surgeons, and nurses. She brought back nine hundred 
wounded, and was followed by four other steamers, that 
continued to ply between St. Louis and Pittsburg Land- 
ing for weeks. The hospitals at St. Louis were soon 
overflowing and the Commission at once secured two large 
halls and furnished them in an incredibly short time with 
three hundred and twenty beds. In the midst of this 
labor General Halleck telegraphed from Pittsburg Land- 
ing for twenty more surgeons. Nine were sent forward 


the same day and others speedily. The Commission was 
then maintaining fifteen hospitals in St. Louis, affording 
accommodation for six thousand patients; and during 
the ten months from July, 1861, to May, 1862, nearly 
twenty thousand sufferers had been relieved, of whom 
less than ten per cent had died. 15 The percentage of 
deaths in the Commission's hospitals was kept unusually 
low by the efficient nursing and the plentiful supplies of 
medicines and delicate foods. 

The exceedingly effective use which the Commission 
made of its opportunities seems to have been due in great 
measures to its lack of definitive organization of any sort. 
Its agents went into the field to do good wherever oppor- 
tunity offered and were not required to follow a com- 
plicated system of accounting or of vouchers before issu- 
ing its stores to surgeons and hospitals. There was, 
indeed, a very strict accountability between the Commis- 
sion and its agents, who receipted carefully for all that 
they received and demanded in return receipts from the 
hospitals and surgeons to which they were issued. 16 Dr. 
Bellows, President of the United States Sanitary Com- 
mission, was a firm believer in the necessity of a regular 
routine, 17 which in the long run is certainly indispensa- 
ble in the conduct of affairs on a large scale. But many 
times his Commission and the regular medical officers of 
the army were helpless before a situation which the West- 
ern Sanitary Commission handled with ease. None of 
the agents of the latter waited to make out papers before 
dispensing their stores. Surgeon G. P. Kex of the 33d 
Illinois Infantry wrote to the secretary of the Commis- 

15 Up to May 1, 1864, the total number of patients in all hospitals 
of the Commission was 61,744, of whom 5,684 died, a percentage of 9.1. 

is These documents were preserved at St. Louis. — Forman's West- 
em Sanitary Commission, p. 104. 

" Speech at Philadelphia, February 24, 1863, printed in pamphlet 
form for distribution. 


sion as follows, concerning the condition of his regiment 
before Vicksburg: 

We had been cut off from our base of supplies for over two 
weeks, had fought three successful battles, and had entirely- 
exhausted all our medical and hospital stores. Our men were 
brought from the battle field with their winter clothing on, and 
in many cases their clothing and woolen blankets were saturated 
with blood, and covered with fly-blows, and we had no change 
to give them. We heard that communication was opened with 
Chickasaw Landing, twelve miles distant, and that a U. S. 
Government boat was there with supplies. At once, four wagons 
were sent there, with a request from the officer to send us the 
supplies that were so urgently needed, and the necessary papers 
could be executed afterwards. The wagons returned empty and 
the men were told that nothing would be issued, unless the papers 
had gone through all the proper channels, and were tied with 
red tape, which would require several days to accomplish. One 
of the teamsters remarked to me that he saw the boat of the 
Western Sanitary Commission coming up the Yazoo river, as 
they were leaving. Our wagons were sent back, and our situa- 
tion made known to that noble hearted gentleman, A. W. Plat- 
tenburg, agent of the Sanitary Commission, who at once loaded 
them with every thing necessary for the health and comfort of 
our wounded soldiers, and in a few hours a great change was 
seen in the hospital. The clothing was all changed, good beds 
were provided, nutritious food and proper stimulants prepared. 
. . . This is only one instance. I could cite many others of 
similar character. 18 

Certainly no student of the situation can regret that 
the active hostility of the United States Sanitary Com- 
mission and its pretensions to direct all sanitary work 
in the country were not countenanced by President Lin- 
coln and Secretary Stanton, and that the Western Sani- 
tary Commission was left independent. 

is Forman 's Western Scmitary Commission, p. 98. See also the 
Report of Transactions of the Illinois State Sanitary Bureau, 1864, pp. 
17, 18. 


And yet all these hospitals and steamers were 
brought into commission and kept supplied by the labors 
of five men whose only office was one small room in a 
corner of one of the hospitals and whose only staff con- 
sisted of the willing hands of friends. For some months 
the Commission had not even a secretary. None of the 
members ever received from the Commission a penny for 
his services ; and by acting themselves as inspectors and 
visitors of hospitals they saved the expense of salaried 
inspectors. During the first two years of its existence 
the Commission disbursed money and stores to the total 
value of more than half a million dollars, and the total 
expenses of distribution were exactly $8,848.86 — about 
one and five-eighths per cent. 19 The total value of money 
and stores distributed by the Commission during the War 
for all purposes was estimated at $4,270,998.55 ; and the 
total expenses of administration were at most two per 
cent. 20 So economical was the treasurer's management 
that after the War, he was able to announce to the Com- 
mission that the interest on the principal at one time and 
another in his hands had accumulated to the amount of 
$40,000. For the management of the fund he never re- 
ceived a dollar's salary, and though he had in his hands 
at one time $600,000 and was personally responsible for 
the whole, he never gave nor was asked to give either 
security or bond. 

Such efficiency, such probity, and such a free expendi- 
ture of time and strength, have rarely been equalled any- 
where and have seldom been blessed with such results. It 
is one thing to give money, to preach to thronging church- 
es, and to speak to applauding multitudes; it is quite 
another thing to perform in person the most menial work 
for which not even recognition from the community at 

is Annual Report of the Commission for 1863. 

20 Final Report of the Western Sanitary Commission from May 9, 
1864, to December 31, 1865, St. Louis, 1866, p. 145. 


large was obtained. Dr. Eliot, Dr. Johnson, Mr. Yeat- 
man, Mr. Greeley, and Mr. Partridge themselves washed 
and nursed the sick, packed boxes and barrels, wrote 
letters for the convalescent, prayed with the dying. The 
work done by the United States Sanitary Commission 
and other benevolent bodies during the War was in every 
sense praiseworthy, but the work of these five men had 
in it some finer quality than usually inspires charitable 
work; and they accomplished almost single-handed re- 
sults which others attained only with the many hands of 
great and complicated organizations. 

Whence came this four and a half millions worth of 
supplies which these men distributed so efficiently and 
with such self sacrifice ! How was this organization sup- 
ported? It was maintained entirely by private benefac- 
tions secured largely by the personal influence of these 
men in St. Louis and in Massachusetts. Mr. Yeatman 
wrote from Boston that Mr. Eliot's name was a key which 
opened all doors. Other States and cities gave largely, 21 
but upon St. Louis and Boston the Commission depended 
most. Much came unasked ; but special appeals were from 
time to time made in the churches and through the press, 
and were never made in vain. The immense assistance 
furnished by the Government should not be forgotten. 
Transportation of staff and supplies to the field of action 
was entirely free ; rations for the Soldiers Homes and for 
the f reedmen and refugees were furnished by the Commis- 
sary Department; and most of the surgeons who made 
such excellent use of the Commission's supplies in the 

21 The Annual Keports of 1863 and 1864 give full details. It appears 
that $50,000 eame from the State of Missouri in 1862, $25,000 in 1864; 
$5,000 from the St. Louis Merchant's Exchange in the spring of 1863; 
and in December, 1863, a committee of merchants gave $25,000. The 
State of California gave $50,000. The State of Nevada sent fifteen gold 
and silver bars from which $45,000 was realized. Outside these amounts, 
the rest was private benefaction. 


field belonged either to the regular or to the volunteer 
army corps. 

Nevertheless the real basis of the Commission's suc- 
cess lay in private benefaction. Some little girls in New- 
ton Center, Massachusetts, held a fair among the children 
and sent the money to buy mosquito netting and cologne 
for the western soldiers. Sixteen small boys from a 
school collected several boxes full of supplies. Mr. 
Eliot's sister, Mrs. Lamb, a resident of Boston, set aside 
a room in her house and called it the Missouri Eoom, to 
which her friends might send donations. She forwarded 
from it during the War $17,000 worth in supplies and as 
much more in cash. 22 In 1864 the Commission decided 
to hold a Sanitary Fair in St. Louis. The city had suf- 
fered extremely during the early years of the War, not 
only from the presence of the military but also from the 
acute business depression. Nevertheless, it had given 
generously to all the varied needs of the Commission, and 
some of the members thought that it would be unable to 
meet a further demand. Others, more sanguine, believed 
that $100,000 might be raised. The Fair netted the Com- 
mission nearly $600,000, most of which came from St. 
Louis and the vicinity. 23 

After all deductions have been made, the fact remains 
clear to the impartial observer, unblinded by State or pro- 
fessional jealousy, that those five men, sustained by the 
City of St. Louis, worked mightily for the Lord. It has 
been my privilege as an historian to study the lives of 
many great and noble men and women, to kindle while I 
read the record of many an heroic or unselfish deed, to 
wonder at the ability, the fortitude, and constancy which 
have made such deeds possible. But I do not think that I 
have ever read of anything finer in its quality of true her- 
oism than the quiet, unassuming labors of those men who 

22 Eliot 's Life of William Greenleaf Eliot, p. 238. 

23 General Beport of the Mississippi Valley Fair, St. Louis, 1864. 


formed the Western Sanitary Commission, and whose la- 
bors are threatening to sink, unnoticed and unsung, into 
oblivion. May I appeal to you, members of the Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Association, in their behalf, ask- 
ing not for the awarding of a laurel crown of that meed 
of praise which should be the hero's true reward, but 
for simple justice, for mere recognition of the fact that 
they performed a great work. Let us not demonstrate, 
by allowing their deeds to fade, the truth of the poet's 
saying: "the evil that men do lives after them; the good 
is oft interred with their bones.' ' 


By William 0. Sckoggs 

To give anything like a full and accurate picture of 
the travel and traffic in the lower Mississippi Valley be- 
fore the nineteenth century is impossible. Traders rarely 
made records of their goings and comings, and it is only 
occasionally that we catch glimpses of adventurers 
threading their way from Virginia through the gaps of 
the Alleghanies or pushing out from Carolina around the 
southern foot of the Appalachian range in the direction 
of the Father of Waters. Mr. Roosevelt in his Winning 
of the West states that "at the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion they [the Americans] still all dwelt on the seaboard, 
either on the coast itself or along the banks of the streams 
flowing into the Atlantic. When the fight at Lexington 
took place they had no settlements beyond the mountain 
chain on our western border. It had taken them over a 
century and a half to spread from the Atlantic to the 
Alleghanies. " * He thus intimates that the line of Eng- 
lish settlements did not pass beyond the mountains until 
after the Colonies had achieved their independence. To 
this, the traditional view, however, Professor Edward 
Channing has recently opposed a flat denial by declaring 
that from 1713 to 1754 "the English occupation of the 
country from the Gulf to the Ohio and between the Alle- 
ghanies and the Mississippi is . . . difficult to trace, but it 
was none the less effective." 2 

Investigation shows that the Alleghanies did not en- 
tirely confine the English to the seaboard before the Rev- 

i Edition of 1900, Pt. I, p. 37. 

2 Channing 'a History of the United States, Vol. II, p. 550. 


olution. Before the middle of the eighteenth century 
English explorers and traders in the lower Mississippi 
basin were numerous, and a few adventurous pioneers had 
even dared to build their homes in this region. The first 
exploration from the Virginia coast beyond the Blue 
Eidge, of which there is any record, was made in 1671 by 
General Abram Wood. Acting under orders from Gov- 
ernor Berkeley to determine whether the westward-flow- 
ing rivers entered the South Sea, he reached the Alle- 
ghanies, found a stream which proved to be the largest 
tributary of the Kanawha, and returned home firm in the 
belief that he had been very near the Pacific. 3 

Other Governors of Virginia also displayed a great 
amount of interest in the western country. In a letter to 
the Lords of Trade, dated December 15, 1710, Governor 
Spotswood urged that the English should move up the 
James Eiver, cross the mountains, and separate the 
French in Canada from those in Louisiana. In the au- 
tumn of this year the Governor sent out a party of ex- 
plorers, who found the mountains about one hundred 
miles from the upper inhabitants and ascended one of the 
highest ridges on horseback. On their return, says the 
Governor, ' ' they assured me that the descent on the other 
side seemed to be as easy as that they had passed on this, 
and that they could have passed over the whole Ledge 
(which is not large) if the season of the year had not been 
too far advanced. ' ' 4 Six years later the Governor him- 
self and a party of friends crossed the Blue Ridge and 
made a reconnaissance of the Shenandoah Valley, halting 
on the crest of the ridge to fire a few volleys of musketry 
and drink the health of the king and the royal family in 
champagne, Burgundy, and claret. It is very interesting 

3 Johnston 's First Explorations of Kentucky, in the Filson Club 
Publications, No. 13, p. vii. 

4 Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood, Vol. I, p. 40, published as 
Vol. T of the Collections of the Virginia Historical Society. 


to note that on descending the western slope of the moun- 
tain they followed trees which had formerly been blazed, 
and consequently they were not the first travelers in the 
region. 5 

There is considerable evidence that by 1750 traders 
had for years been crossing the Alleghanies. The explor- 
er La Salle, as he descended the Mississippi Eiver in 
1682, came to the conclusion that the English were even 
then crossing the mountains and disposing of their wares 
to Indians along the river, for he could account in no 
other way for the numerous articles of European make 
which he found among the savages. /The Frenchman even 
thought of closing the mountain passes in order to keep 
the English out of the Mississippi Valley. 6 It was not, 
however, until 1748 that any concerted effort was made 
for actual settlement in this region from Virginia. In 
this year Thomas Lee, Lawrence and Augustine Wash- 
ington, and others from Virginia and Maryland formed 
an association known as the Ohio Company and received 
a grant of a large tract of land between the Monongahela 
and Kanawha rivers, with the object of planting settle- 
ments and trading with the Indians. In the following 
year the company sent out Christopher Gist to explore 
the country, and he was occupied' with this work until 
1752. After completing his explorations, Gist was or- 
dered to lay off a town and a fort at Shurtee's Creek on 
the east of the Ohio, a little below the present Pittsburgh. 
Gist then settled in the Monongahela Valley near the pro- 
posed town and was soon joined by eleven other families. 
In the meantime the Ohio Company had built a store- 
house at Will's Creek (the present Cumberland, Mary- 
land) and a road had been surveyed from this post to the 
mouth of the Monongahela Eiver. Will's Creek was the 

5 An account of this expedition is contained in the Journal of John 

6 See Winsor 's Mississippi Basin, p. 48. . 


centre of a flourishing trade with the western Indians. 7 
In 1749 the Loyal Land Company received from the 
Virginia assembly a grant of 800,000 acres west of the 
mountains in what is now the State of Kentucky. In the 
spring of 1750 the company sent Dr. Thomas Walker 
across the mountains through the Cumberland Gap to 
explore the grant and note the lands suitable for settle- 
ment. This was not Walker's first trip; he had been as 
far as the Holston Eiver in 1748, and mentions his meet- 
ing in that year with a man named Stalnaker on his way 
to the Cherokee Indians. 8 On his second journey Walker 
also met with evidences of the white man's movement 
in this region, in the form of trees blazed and cut with 
initials. 9 At some point on the upper waters of the 
Cumberland Eiver Walker built a house, and it is prob- 
able that he lived there for a number of years, as the 
dwelling is indicated on various maps of the period. 10 

Washington in his Journal, compiled during his 
tramp with Gist to the Ohio Valley in 1753, speaks of a 
Mr. Frazier's, at the mouth of Turtle Creek, on the 
Monongahela Eiver. He also mentions Gist 's new settle- 
ment, which, he says, "is west north-west seventy miles 
from Will's Creek", and states that during his journey 
he met an Indian trader named Brown and four French 
deserters on their way to Philadelphia. The face of the 
white man, then, was not such a rare sight in the western 
wilderness as has sometimes been supposed. Logan, in 
his History of Upper South Carolina, tells us that in 
1758 one Anthony Park traveled several hundred miles 

7 Gist 's Journal may be found in Johnston 's First Explorations of 
Kentucky in the Filson Club Publications, No. 13. For an account of his 
settlement, see Lowdermilk's History of Cumberland, p. 28, and Sparks 's 
Life of Washington, Vol. I, p. 26. 

s Johnston 's First Explorations of Kentucky, in the Filson Club 
Publications, No. 13, p. 42. 

9 Johnston 's First Explorations of Kentucky, in the Filson Club 
Publications, No. 13, p. 54. 

ioChanning's History of the United States, Vol. II, p. 558. 


west of the mountains and found there several white men 
who had lived among the Indians for twenty years, a 
few who had been in the region from forty to fifty years, 
and one who had been there sixty years. There is also 
a story of a Virginia trader named Daugherty who made 
his abode among the western Indians for the purposes 
of traffic as early as 1690. 11 

It was in South Carolina, however, that western trade 
reached its fullest development. Many of the early Car- 
olina fortunes were gained through this traffic with the 
Indians, and many of the most prominent men in the Col- 
ony were at one time engaged in this business. 12 From 
Charleston westward to the Mississippi there was an al- 
most level route and a comparatively dense Indian pop- 
ulation with which to barter. 13 A map of North America, 
j published by Dr. John Mitchell in 1755, and perhaps the 
| most elaborate and accurate map of the country pub- 
lished during the colonial period, contains the statement 
that "The English have factories and settlements in all 
the towns of the Creek Indians of any note, except Al- 
ii bamas; which was usurped by the French in 1715 but 
I established by the English 28 years before.' ' This of 
I course means that English traders were on the Alabama 
River as early as 1687; that is, within seventeen years 
, after the founding of Charleston, and fully twelve years 
j before French settlers had landed on the Gulf coast. 

In fact, it was the aggressiveness of the English in 
pushing out toward the Southwest that caused Louis 
XIV to renew the efforts at colonizing the lower Missis- 

n Logan's History of Upper South Carolina, p. 168. 

12 MeCrady 's South Carolina under the Proprietary Government, pp. 
345-347, and South Carolina under the Eoyal Government, p. 270. 

1 3 Descriptions of the traders ' trails to the Southwest may be found 
in Logan's History of Upper South Carolina and in a monograph by Peter 
J. Hamilton in the Transactions of the Alabama Historical Society, Vol. 
II, p. 41. An interesting description at first hand of these routes as they 
appeared in 1776 is given by William Bartram in his Travels, p. 306. 


sippi Valley, which had been so suddenly interrupted by 
the death of La Salle. 14 Two years before the sailing of 
Iberville, Bemonville, in a memoir addressed to Count 
de Pontchartrain, called attention to the English designs 
on the Mississippi, knowledge of which he had obtained 
from merchants trading with England. 15 At the very 
moment when Iberville was exploring the lower Mississip- 
pi, Edward Eandolph, that much-hated emissary of the 
English government, while at Charleston wrote to the 
Lords of Trade, under the date of March 16, 1699, that 
he had talked with a member of the Governor's Council, 
a great Indian trader, who had been six hundred miles 
west of Charleston, and who was willing to undertake 
the exploration of the Mississippi and to "find out the 
mouth and the true latitude thereof ", "if his Majesty will 
please to pay the charge, w eh will not be above £400 or 
£500 at most''. 16 Six days later, in another letter, he 
mentions the fact that Colonel James Moore had crossed 
the "Apalathean" mountains for inland discovery and 
the Indian trade. The news that a French expedition 
was headed for the Mississippi had already reached 
Charleston, he said, and had created much uneasiness 
among the Carolinians. 17 

Mitchell's map, referred to above, gives the route of 
a certain Colonel Welch to the Mississippi in 1698 and 
says that it was afterwards followed by other traders. 
This claim, that the English had reached the Mississippi 

14 ' ' Seule une prompte intervention de la France pouvait empecher 
l'Angleterre de s'approprier tout le fruit des decouvertes de La Salle." — 
Heinrich's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. xxviii. 

is French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (new 
series, 1869), pp. 1-10. Further indication of French anxiety as to the 
designs of the English upon the Mississippi is discovered in a letter of the 
Minister of Marine, Aug. 27, 1698. — See Margry's Memoires et Docu- 
ments, Vol. IV, p. 82. 

is Bivers 's South Carolina, App., p. 445. 

i7 Collections of the Historical Society of South Carolina, Vol. I, 
p. 208. 


from Carolina before the French had made their settle- 
ments on the Gulf, may be verified from French sources. 
In May, 1699, Bienville found the natives in a village on 
the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain greatly disturbed 
because two days before they had been attacked by a 
party of Chickasaws led by two white men calling them- 
selves Englichi. 18 These were evidently Carolina tra- 
ders. Some months later Bienville reports that ' ' several 
Englishmen from Carolina are among the Chickasaws, 
where they trade in peltry and slaves". He says that 
these traders ascend a river to its headwaters and from 
there transport their goods by horses to the Chickasaw 
villages. It is his purpose, he says, to capture the traders 
by drawing them away from the Chickasaws on the pre- 
text of commerce, but that he would not dare interfere 
with them in the presence of these Indians, who might 
thereby lose their friendship for the French. 19 

In this same year Le Sueur and Penicaut went up 
the Mississippi prospecting for minerals, and on the Ar- 
kansas River, eight leagues above its mouth, they found 
an English trader, who, says Penicaut, "gave us much 
assistance with his provisions, as our supply was nearly 
exhausted.' ' 20 Le Sueur asked the trader who sent him 
there; he replied that he was sent by the Governor of 
Carolina, and showed the Frenchmen a passport from 
that official, who, he said, was the master of the river. 21 
French sources, therefore, seem to verify the statement 
of John Archdale, Governor of Carolina from 1694 to 
1696, that "Charlestown trades near one thousand miles 
into the continent. ' ' 22 

The fear of the French that the English would reap 

is La Harpe 's Journal Historique, pp. 14, 15. 
i^Margry's Memoires et Documents, Vol. IV, p. 361. 
20 French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (New 
series, 1869), p. 63. 

2i Margry 's Memoires et Documents, Vol. V, p. 402. 

22 Carroll 's Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vol. II, p. 97. 


the fruits of La Salle's discovery was not groundless; 
they not only found English traders among the natives, 
but in September, 1699, Bienville actually met an Eng- 
lish frigate in the Mississippi Eiver, twenty-eight 
leagues above its mouth, at a pointy which, from the fact 
that the ship turned back, is called the English Turn, 
or Bend, to this day. 23 According to La Harpe, it was the 
enterprise of the English on the Mississippi that led Iber- 
ville to establish his post on this river in 1700. 24 

It was in the English traders that French Colonial 
schemes in the lower Mississippi Valley encountered an 
insurmountable obstacle. Sometimes by presents, some- 
times by threats, and more particularly by the abundance, 
quality, and cheapness of their merchandise, adven- 
turers from Carolina and Virginia kept the greater part 
of the savages friendly to themselves and consequently 
more or less hostile to the French, and thus accomplished 
in the South results similar to those achieved by the 
British with the Iroquois in the North. In the Southern 
debatable land there were four great tribes or nations. 
The northernmost, and the most civilized, were the Chero- 
kees, occupying mainly the territory included in the 
present State of Tennessee ; below them, between the Mis- 
sissippi and Tombigbee rivers, and as far south as 
the Yazoo, lived the Chickasaws, reputed to be unusually 
brave and warlike. The Chickasaws had for their neigh- 
bors the Creeks on the east and the Choctaws on the 
south. The French seem to have had no difficulty in 
winning the Choctaws over to their side, and for a time 
they also counted the Chickasaws among their friends. 25 

23Margry's Memoires et Documents, Vol. IV, p. 361; La Harpe *s 
Journal Historique, pp. 19, 20; French's Historical Collections of Louisiana 
and Florida (New series, 1869), p. 59. These various accounts differ in 
details, but all agree that the Englishman turned back and left the French I 
in possession of the river. 

24 La Harpe 's Journal Historique, p. 25. 

25 La Hairpe 's Journal Historique, p. 80. 


But if we may believe French accounts it was not long be- 
fore English traders set these two nations against each 
other, with the result that the Chickasaws became favora- 
ble to the English, while the Choctaws, as a rule, remain- 
ed the friends of the French as long as the later held the 
country. Penicaut and La Harpe tell us that the ill-feel- 
ing between Choctaws and Chickasaws began in 1705, 
when the latter sold to English traders as slaves several 
Choctaw families that were visiting them; and if this 
statement is correct the traders committed a blunder very 
similar in its ultimate results to that committed by 
Champlain in the North a century before. 26 

Whatever was the real cause of the Choctaw ani- 
mosity, it is certain that the English could gain admission 
into the villages of this nation only at rare intervals, 
while at the same time they possessed the friendship of 
the Cherokees, Chickasaws, and, to a less degree, of the 
Creeks. After 1706 the English seem to have exerted 
every effort to gain the good will of the Choctaws, being 
lavish in promises and presents, and Bienville had to 
work hard to retain their loyalty. The French were es- 
pecially concerned with regard to the Choctaws during 
Queen Anne's War, when there were rumors of prepara- 
tions for an English attack on Mobile and of intrigues 
with the Choctaws for active aid or at least for permis- 
sion to pass through their country. 27 These Indians, how- 
ever, remained true to the French, and Louisiana came 
through the war unscathed, although the English could 
have taken it at any time. For some time before the close 
of this war the aggressiveness of the Carolinians in the 
Southwest was checked by a rising of the Tuscaroras and 
neighboring tribes; but with the return of peace the 
routes to the interior were again clear, and the English 

26 French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (New 
series, 1869), p. 97; La Harpe 's Journal Historique, pp. 89-95. 

27 Heinrich 's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. Hii. 


traders resumed their efforts to win all the natives. They 
set up factories among the Chickasaws, set the Natchez 
and the Illinois to fighting against each other, so as to 
purchase their captives as slaves, and even entered the 
territory of the Alibamons (a portion of the Creek na- 
tion) , where the French had just erected Fort Toulouse. 
Even the Choctaws finally yielded to their blandishments 
and admitted the English into some of their villages ; and 
the traders, when ordered by Cadillac to leave, sent back 
word that they were not afraid of him and his forty or 
fifty French knaves. In despair the Governor declared 
that he preferred open war to a peace so full of treach- 
ery. 28 

The English conquest, which Louisiana had escaped 
during the war, seemed now on the point of being accom- 
plished in time of peace. The activity of the traders was, 
indeed, remarkable. In 1714 Penicaut made a trip to the 
Natchez country and was greatly astonished to find there 
three Englishmen, who, he says, had come to buy slaves. 29 
La Harpe also says that there were at this time a dozen 
Englishmen among the Choctaws. 30 In 1715 Bienville 
wrote to Pontchartrain that three English officers were 
among the Choctaws with a large body of other Indians, 
and that they were bent on destroying villages which per- 
sisted in their loyalty to the French. Later he declared 
that there was a rumor upon the upper Mississippi that 
the Governor of Carolina was distributing presents among 
the savages to induce them to break French heads at Mo- 
ss Heinrich J s La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. lxix. 
29Margry's Memoires et Documents, Vol. V, p. 505; French's His- 
torical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (New series, 1869), pp. 123- 
126; La Harpe 's Journal Eistorique, pp. 115-118. These accounts contain 
a very interesting story of the pursuit down the Mississippi and the final 
capture of one of these Englishmen, whom Penicaut calls "Mylord Master 
You. ' ' 

3 o La Harpe 's Journal Historique, p. 115. 


bile. 31 We are told that in this year Bienville took meas- 
ures to break up the English trade on the Mississippi, and 
that he heard of massacres of English traders ; 32 but how 
far his actions were responsible for the massacres can- 
not be determined. It is probable that the massacres 
referred to had some connection with the great Indian 
revolt known in Carolina as the Yamasee War, which be- 
gan in April, 1715. English aggressiveness was then at 
its height from the Lakes to the Gulf . The traders, intox- 
icated by their success, began to cheat, seize property for 
pretended debts, and charge exorbitant prices. Their 
brutality aroused the deepest resentment among the 
Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws, Yamasees, and other 
tribes ; Spanish intrigue in Florida, and perhaps to some 
extent French influence in Louisiana also, fanned the 
flame. The English traders scattered among these va- 
rious tribes were put to death, often with great torture ; 
Carolina was overrun by savages, and its population took 
refuge in Charleston. 33 

The Indian uprising, coming at so opportune a mo- 
ment for preventing the English conquest of Louisiana, 
served to cast a suspicion upon the French of having 
aided and abetted the movement ; but whatever may have 
been their desire, the Louisiana colonists were in no con- 
dition to give any really effective aid to the savages. 34 

3i Heinrich 's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, pp. brix, Ixx. 

32 French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (New 
series, 1869), p. 129. 

3 3McCrady's South Carolina under the Proprietary Government, p. 
353 j Heinrich 7 s La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. lxxi. 

34 It is a fact worthy of note, however, that the French traders did 
not incur the resentment of the savages during these troubles. In one of 
the Chickasaw villages, for instance, there were fifteen English traders and 
a Frenchman occupying the same cabin. The Indians suddenly rose and 
slew the English, but their chief ordered the Frenchman to stand at his 
side and fear nothing. Shortly afterwards, however, two young warriors 
mistook the white man for an Englishman and slew him, "to the great 
regret of the whole nation. " — La Harpe's Journal Historique, p. 120. 


The insurrection had two results. The French, profiting 
as much as possible by the troubles of the Carolinians, 
sought to clear the Mississippi of the English, and in 
1716 built Fort Eosalie at the site of the present Natchez. 
The Carolina proprietors, at the same time, perceiving 
the necessity of a more effective control over both Indians 
and traders, and tempted also by the enormous profits 
of the trade, had an act passed in 1716 giving the propri- 
etary government the entire control of the traffic, which 
thus became a public monopoly. The trade had previous- 
ly been conducted by private enterprise. In 1719, how- 
ever, owing to complaints from the London merchants of 
the monopolistic nature of the trade, the act was re- 
pealed. 35 About 1717, with the return of peace and quiet 
in Carolina, the western routes were reopened and Louisi- 
ana was again menaced with English invasion. 

L'Epinay, the new Governor, knowing nothing of the 
Indian character, had disappointed the savages by not 
distributing the usual presents, and the English were not 
slow to take advantage of this blunder. The Indian chiefs 
grumbled mightily at L'Epinay 's niggardliness, and called 
him such things as an old woman who never went from 
home and a mangy dog sent over by the great French 
chief because he was dying of hunger in his own village. 36 
At this time Sir Eobert Montgomery received a grant 
of a portion of Carolina south of the Savannah Eiver, to be 
known as Azilia, and had settlements been planted in 
this region as contemplated, Louisiana would have been 
further endangered. Fortunately for the French, how- 
ever, Carolina was again disturbed by Indian troubles, 
followed by a revolution which overthrew the proprietary 
government, and the colony was consequently too busily 

ss Logan's History of Upper South Carolina, ch. X; McCrady's 
South Carolina under the Proprietary Government, p. 629. 

36 Heinrich 's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. 142. 


absorbed with domestic affairs to maintain its aggressive 
policy toward its western neighbor. 

The fear of the French on the Mississippi was given 
as one of the reasons why the people of Carolina desired 
to be nnder the protection of the British Crown; and 
whether this fear was real or feigned, the colonists by va- 
rious means made such an impression upon the Lords of 
Trade that they instructed Francis Nicholson, the first 
royal Governor, to make special efforts to regain the 
friendship of the Indians. Accordingly, with the estab- 
lishment of royal government in Carolina, we find the 
English more aggressive in the Southwest than ever 
before. 37 Unlicensed persons were prohibited from trad- 
ing with the Indians. 38 The Cherokees and the Creeks 
were each summoned to a great council, at which Governor 
Nicholson made them presents, marked the boundaries of 
their lands, regulated weights and measures, appointed an 
agent to look after the affairs of each nation, and had 
both to choose a head chief to deal directly with the Gov- 
ernor. 39 In 1730 Sir Alexander Cuming arrived in South 
Carolina, and at a great meeting of the Cherokee chiefs 
secured an acknowledgment of their allegiance to the 
British Crown. Later he carried seven of the chiefs to 
London, where a treaty was drawn up stipulating that 
the great king had ordered his children in Carolina to 
" trade with the Indians, and furnish them with all man- 
ner of goods they want, and to make haste to build houses 
and plant corn from Charlestown, towards the towns of 
the Cherokees behind the great mountains.' ' The Cher- 
okees, on their part, were to ' ' take care to keep the trad- 
ing path clean, that there be no blood on the path where 
the English tread, even though they should be accompa- 

37 Heinrich 's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des hides, p. 152. 
ssMcOady's South Carolina under the Royal Government, p. 38. 
39 Carroll 's Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vol. I, pp. 258, 
272, 278. 


nied with other people with whom the Cherokees may be 
at war : That the Cherokees shall not suffer their people 
to trade with any other nation but the English, nor per- 
mit white men of any other nation to build any forts or 
cabins, or plant any corn among them." The Indians 
also agreed to return the fugitive slaves of the planters, 
and for every slave returned were to receive a reward 
in the form of a gun and a watch coat. 40 

The renewed activity of the English in the South- 
west was noted by Charlevoix on his journey down the 
Mississippi in 1721. He declares that the Chickasaws are 
angered at the French for allying themselves with the 
Illinois, and that the English of Carolina are striving to 
increase the resentment. Two Frenchmen following 
Charlevoix were slain by Chickasaws as soon as they left 
the Illinois country. 41 On reaching Biloxi in 1722 he 
hears of an English interloper there named Marshall, 
who had considerable dealings with the French ; and dur- 
ing his stay there a Choctaw chief came to Bienville and 
declared that the English were making his people great 
promises and trying to induce them to have no more trade 
with the French. 42 

While the English were thus making headway, the 
French were almost idle. In 1712 Crozat had received a 
monopoly of the trade of Louisiana; in 1717 practically 
the same privileges were conferred upon the Company 
of the West, which two years later was transformed into 
the Company of the Indies. The trade with the Indians 
was entirely in the hands of the company, which fixed 
arbitrarily the prices at which its goods were to be sold 
and the prices to be paid for the furs of the natives. 
Carolina traders, unfettered by such restrictions, could 

*o Carroll 's Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vol. I, p. 278. 

4 i Charlevoix 'b Journal d'un Voyage dans I'Ameriqwe Septentrionale, 
Vol. Ill, p. 257. 

42 Charlevoix 's Journal d'un Voyage dans V Am&rique Septentrionale, 
Vol. Ill, p. 483. 


easily undersell their competitors. The personal qualities 
of the French should undoubtedly have given them an ad- 
vantage in bartering with the natives ; the savage was as 
much attracted by the affability and adaptability of the 
Frenchman as he was repelled by the hauteur of the 
Briton. 43 But in the long run, as a means of gaining the 
friendship of the aborigines, French manners proved far 
less effective than English merchandise. Under the 
regime of the Company of the Indies the French officials 
were continually hampered by a dearth of goods, and 
much of the stock sent by the company was so old that 
the savages did not care for it. 44 The Lords of Trade in 
1721 declared that the French could never compete with 
the English in furnishing the Indians with European 
commodities at honest and reasonable prices, 45 and Char- 
levoix himself at the same time stated that the English 

*3 The Lords of Trade, in a memorial to the king in 1721, called 
attention to the great advantage which the French in America possessed 
through their intermarriage with the natives, " whereby their new Empire 
may be peopled without draining France of its inhabitants", and recom- 
mended that the British colonial Governors should be instructed to encour- 
age such intermarriage in their provinces ! — See Documents Relating to 
the Colonial History of the State of New York, Vol. V, p. 626. 

The French seem to have been fully aware of their personal advantage 
over the English in dealing with the natives. Charlevoix in his Journal 
d'un Voyage dans I'Amerique Septentrionale, Vol. Ill, p. 80, says: "Les 
Anglois Ameriquains ne veulent point de Guerre, parce qu'ils ont beaucoup 
a perdre; ils ne menagent point les Sauvages parce qu'ils ne croyent en 
avoir besoin. La Jeunesse Franchise, par des raisons contraires, deteste la 
Paix, et vit bien avec les Naturels du Pays, dont elle s 'attire aisement 
1 'estime pendant la Guerre, et 1 'amitie en tout tems. ' ' 

Baudry des Lozieres, in his Second Voyage d la Louisiane, Vol. I, 
p. 397, says: "J'ai dit que les sauvages ont un penchant naturel pour 
les Francais, et je le tiens d'eux-memes j 'ai meme entendu dire a ceux qui 
ont des relations commerciales avec les North-Americains, qu 'ils y tenaient 
ainsi aux Anglais, sous le seul point de vue d 'interet. ' ' 

44 Heinrich 's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. 208. 

45 Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New 
YorJc, Vol. V, p. 626. 


were selling the savages goods cheaper than were the 
French. 46 

Governor Spotswood of Virginia wrote in 1719 that the 
Indians with whom the English traded "have hitherto 
been kept in our interest by being more plentifully sup- 
plied with goods than the French could afford them", 47 
and in the following year we find the Alibamons com- 
plaining that the French do not pay them as much for 
their peltry as they receive from Carolina traders, and 
also that French goods are sold to them at an advance 
over English prices. 48 In the middle of the eighteenth 
century Governor Glen of South Carolina declared that 
the tranquillity of his province depended on the retention 
of the Indians in the British interest, and that this would 
be impossible without a continuation of traffic with them 
in the articles for which there was the greatest demand — 
"both arms and amunition, as well as Cloaths and other 
necessaries. ' ' 49 

English traders, therefore, gained to their side all 
the great tribes of the lower Mississippi Valley except 
the Choctaws ; and the latter were frequently so wavering 
in their allegiance to the French as to become to them a 
source of great anxiety. As their general defection would 
have meant ruin to the Colony, Bienville, in order to 
keep them loyal, once or twice found it necessary to fo- 
ment a war between them and those stanch friends of 
the English, the Chickasaws. 50 Unfortunately, Bienville 
was recalled to France just when his services were most 

46 Chairlevoix 's Journal d 'un Voyage dans I 'Amerique Septentrionale, 
Vol. Ill, p. 257. 

4 7 Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood, Vol. II, p. 331 (Collec- 
tions of the Virginia Historical Society, Vol. II). 

48 La Harpe 's Journal Historique, p. 228. 

49 Carroll 's Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vol. II, pp. 
245, 246. 

so Heinrich 's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, pp. 152, 
163, 164. 


needed, as he alone of the French officials seemed cap- 
able of counteracting English influences. The Company 
of the Indies pursued a niggardly policy; presents for 
the Indians and soldiers for the forts cost money, and 
it was cheaper to send missionaries, who were indeed the 
keenest rivals of the British trader. 51 While the English 
were most aggressive, French depots were empty, and 
Perier called in vain for goods. When he asked for 
troops to strike a sudden blow and intimidate the English 
and their allies, he was accused of seeking to enhance his 
own reputation at the expense of the Company. 62 

Who then, during this period, were the real masters 
of the lower Mississippi Valley? According to good mod- 
ern French authority, the English traders in 1728 had 
almost reached the point where with a word they could 
have turned nearly the whole Indian population against 
the French. 53 In Louisiana, indeed, there were forts and 
soldiers and towns, so that technically the Company of 
the Indies held possession of the territory for France; 
but an examination of the character of these forts, gar- 
risons, and settlements shows that the Company's hold 
upon its vast domain was pitifully weak. All of the forts 
were unfinished; the guns were unmounted; and the 
pieces were sometimes of one calibre and the balls of 
another. The soldiers were fit inmates of such posts. 

6i One of these missionaries, the Jesuit De Guyenne, went as far east 
in the direction of the English settlements in 1726 as the Chattahoochee 
Eiver, and built a cabin in the Indian village of Coweta, within the limits 
of the present State of Georgia. Later the English showed their fear of 
his influence by persuading the Indians to burn his cabin and drive him 
back to Toulouse. — See Hamilton 's Colonial Mobile, p. 158. 

There is also evidence of French attempts to extend their influence 
into Georgia as late as 1750, when one Daniel Clark, a trader, reported 
that on reaching "Cowetaw Town" he found the French colors set up 
in the square and the whole town "taken up in entertaining" officers 
and soldiers from Fort Toulouse. — See Georgia Colonial Records, Vol. 
VI, p. 341. 

52Heinrich's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. 227. 

R3Heinrich's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, p. 225. 


Few in numbers, poorly armed, almost naked, usually 
fed on scant rations of rice and maize, quartered in miser- 
able huts covered with bark, sleeping on the damp ground 
and thereby becoming afflicted with various distempers, 
they soon lost what little capacity for military service 
they once might have had. Desertions were frequent, 
the Carolina settlements offering a safe retreat. 54 To 
cap the climax, the Natchez Indians, always more or less 
troublesome, rose in revolt in November, 1729, and wiped 
out the settlement at Fort Eosalie, one of the most pros- 
perous in the Colony. The French planned a summary 
vengeance, but were never able fully to carry it out. Most 
of the Natchez finally took refuge among the enemies of 
France, the Chickasaws; and the failure of the French 
to exact full reparation lost them the respect of many of 
their Indian allies. The Natchez massacre was followed 
by a severe drought, which almost destroyed the crops. 
The Company was discouraged, and its colonists all 
seemed animated with one single desire — to get out of 
the country. 

On the English side at this time there was unusual 
prosperity. 55 In October, 1729, there were said to have 
been one hundred and twenty packhorses with English 
goods among the Choctaws alone, and in the following 
year was negotiated the important treaty of alliance with 

54 In 1721 the entire garrison at Fort Toulouse mutinied on account 
of lack of food and with arms and baggage took the road to Carolina. 
One of the officers escaped to the Indians, and with their aid ambushed the 
mutineers and killed or captured the whole party. — La Harpe 'a Journal 
Historique, pp. 261, 348. 

ss The years 1721-1743 were the most prosperous period for the 
trade in peltry. In 1748 the value of beaver and deer-skins exported from 
Charleston amounted to about $300,000 of our present money, and up to 
this time only one other Carolina export (rice) had exceeded the value of 
the skins sent to Europe. — See Carroll's Historical Collections of South 
Carolina, Vol. II, p. 234; McCrady's South Carolina under the Proprietary 
Government , pp. 345, 346; and McCrady's South Carolina under the Royal 
Government, p. 270. 


the Cherokees, already described. Between the spiritless 
colonists of Louisiana and the traders from Carolina there 
was a striking contrast. The latter cleared no fields, 
sowed no crops, and built no towns in the lower Missis- 
sippi Valley; but their supplies of gew-gaws, firearms, 
and fire water won them the favor of the savage, and their 
physical prowess and expert markmanship inspired his 
respect. The trader was often something more than a 
mere higgler; frequently he was a man of superior in- 
telligence. Unlike the English settler, who usually re- 
garded the Indian as a pest to be extermined as soon as 
possible, and whose advent often filled the savage with 
dismay, because it meant the restriction of his hunting- 
grounds, the trader was welcomed by the natives; for 
his arrival meant the satisfaction of their primitive 

The predominating influence of the English over the 
native population in this region before 1755 was due 
mainly to the activity of the trader, but it was perhaps 
enhanced by the lack of land-hungry Anglo-Saxon pio- 
neers. It should be borne in mind, however, that the pres- 
ence of the trader among the aborigines was by no means 
an unmixed blessing; in fact, he was everywhere the 
source of debauching and demoralizing influence. The 
Indian acquired from him all the vices and none of the 
virtues of the white man, and suffered as much injury 
from the pampering of the trafficker as he did later from 
the crowding of the settler. 

In January, 1731, the Company of the Indies came to 
the conclusion that its policy in Louisiana had been a 
failure and surrendered its holdings to the French 
Crown. The royal government at once set itself to work 
to improve matters in the Colony and sent over soldiers 
and supplies ; but the Company's policy had given Louisi- 
ana such a bad name at home that it was for a long time 
a difficult matter to induce colonists to emigrate. In the 


meantime English influence in the Southwest had been 
greatly strengthened through the founding of Georgia 
and the treaties made by Oglethorpe with the western 
Indians. In July, 1732, to the great joy of the colonists, 
Bienville was again made Governor of Louisiana, and in 
December he sailed with supplies and soldiers, and with 
instructions to expel the Chickasaws from French terri- 
tory, to regain the good will of the Choctaws, and to pre- 
vent all trade between the Indians and outsiders. He 
was instructed to check English encroachments by peace- 
ful measures, such as the resumption of trade and the 
despatching of interpreters to the principal posts. 56 Bien- 
ville 's slender resources, however, were entirely inade- 
quate for the great work confronting him. There was 
no cessation in the activity of the English; on the con- 
trary, while the province of Louisiana was languishing, 
Virginia and Carolina were receiving constant accessions 
of immigrants, who pushed farther and farther into the 
western woods. 

The new Governor finally perceived that there could 
be no hope of peace in Louisiana until he drove out or 
subdued the troublesome Chickasaws, and that a prompt 
and decisive blow was needed to regain even the respect 
of the copper-hued allies of the French. In 1736, there- 
fore, he organized an expedition against the Chickasaws, 
and advanced beyond Tombecbe, where he found the ene- 
my strongly fortified in several villages. Over one of 
these the English colors were flying, and English trad- 
ers were also seen preparing the savages to meet the at- 
tack. 57 It requires no wild flight of the imagination to see 
in these intrigues and hostilities in the southern forests 
the preliminaries of the great struggle for a continent 
which began twenty years later. Bienville's war on the 
Chickasaws was a miserable failure, and though a peace 

&e Heinrich's La Louisiane sous la Compagnie dcs Indes, pp. 276, 277. 
67 Baudry des Lozieres 's Voyage a la Louisiane, pp. 60, 61. 


was patched up with them in 1740 they continued their 
depredations. The rivalry for the mastery of the south- 
ern back country continued until England and France 
resolved to decide the question by the wager of battle. 

In the long struggle that followed Louisiana re- 
mained in constant dread of an English attack which 
never came. The very weakness of the Colony was to it 
perhaps a source of protection; for the energies of the 
English were devoted to the reduction of the more men- 
acing French establishments in the North. Neverthe- 
less, when the treaty of peace was signed in Paris, in 
1763, the region from the Ohio to the Gulf and between 
the Alleghanies and the Mississippi came into the posses- 
sion of that people who had already controlled it in a 
commercial way for half a century. But the country was 
not to be definitely won without a struggle with the na- 
tives. French intrigue and English blunders during the 
war precipitated an uprising of the Creeks and Cherokees 
which it required two years to subdue. 58 Even after the 
treaty of peace an English officer who spent some time 
among the Cherokees declared that he found them still in 
sympathy with the French and reconciled to the rule of 
the English only through the advantages of their trade. 59 

In view of the fact that English influence in the low- 
er Mississippi Valley was for such a long period in the 
ascendant, the question naturally arises why the southern 
English colonists did not follow the example of their 
brothers in New England and attempt to complete the 
conquest of French territory during Queen Anne's and 
King George's wars. The answer may be given, I think, 
in a few words. The southern Colonies were never men- 
aced by the feeble settlements in Louisiana as were their 
northern neighbors by the feudal military organization 

BSMcCrady's South Carolina under the Eoyal Government, pp. 302- 

6 »Winsor ; s Mississippi Basin, pp. 411, 412. 


of New France. It was the Spaniard in Florida rather 
than the Frenchman in Louisiana whom the Georgians 
and Carolinians dreaded. Again, the Indians with whom 
the French in the South intrigued were milder than those 
in the North, and their incursions were not so greatly- 
feared. Lastly, the religious fanaticism — the hatred of 
English Puritan for French Catholic — so manifest in 
New England, was lacking in the South. 

The general feeling of the southern colonists toward 
their neighbors in the West seems to have been well ex- 
pressed by Governor Glen, when he wrote : "If ever the 
French settlements on the Mississippi grow great, they 
may have pernicious effects upon South Carolina, be- 
cause they produce the same kind of commodities as are 
produced there, viz. : Rice and Indigo ; but hitherto the 
only inconvenience that I know of is their attempting to 
withdraw our Indians from us, and attacking those who 
are most attached to our interest. . . . It is easy for 
me at present to divert the French in their own way, and 
to find them business for double the number of men they 
have in that country. ' ' 60 From a military invasion of 
Louisiana, even if it had been entirely practicable, the 
southern colonists would have had nothing to gain ; a com- 
mercial conquest they had already achieved. 

eo Carroll 's Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vol. II, p. 247. 



Aboriginal American History, Re- 
marks on the Study of, by Wil- 
liam H. Holmes, reference to, 
18; text of, 182 

Acolapissa Indians, location of, 113 

Adai Indians, location of, 114 

Adams, Samuel, 151 

Agassiz, Louis J. E., 86 

Agriculture, conditions of, in Eu- 
rope, 102-103; unscientific meth- 
ods of, 105-107; new era in, 105- 
106; uncertainty of, 108; services 
of Wilson to cause of, 109 

Agriculture, Department of, problem 
confronting, 100; great work of, 
105, 109; experiment stations of, 
108; investigations by, in Europe, 
108; practical application of sci- 
ence by, 137 

Akokisa Indians, location of, 115 

Alabama, Indians in, 113, 120, 126 

Alabama Eiver, English traders on, 

Algonquian family, 112; tribe of, in 
South, 116 

Alibamo Indians, location of, 113; 
migration of, 116, 117; dominance 
of Muskogee over, 117; English in 
territory of, 244; complaints of, 

Alleghanies, character of soil west 
of, 101; travel through gaps of, 
235; early crossing of, by traders, 

Alton (Illinois), marker commemora- 
tive of debate at, 157; monument 
to Lovejoy at, 158-159; treatment 
of Confederate prisoners at, 225 

Alvord, Clarence W., 15, 25; paper 
by, 26 

America, Plans of the Archaeolog- 
ical Institute of America for Work 
in, by Frederick W. Shipley, 
reference to, 17, 144 

American Fur Company, explana- 
tions by, 73 

American Historical Association, 
meeting of, 5, 15 

Amherst County (Virginia), settle- 
ment of Floyd in, 77 

Annapolis (Maryland), Washing- 
ton's resignation at, 48 

Anthropological Survey, prediction 
of, 136 

Anthropology, study of, 124-125; 
problems in, 126; reference to, 
183; publication of papers on, 
186-187; small force of workers 
in, 188; difficulty in securing 
funds for work in, 188 

Antiquarian Society, American, 
Floyd's journal read before, 88 

Apache Indians, irruption of, 121 

Apalachee Bay, Indians on, 113 

Apalachee Indians, location of, 113; 
migration of, 117 

Apalachicola Indians, migration of, 

Apalachicola River, Indians on, 113 

Applied History, by Benj. F. Sham- 
baugh, reference to, 17; text of, 

Archaeological Institute of America, 
Plans of, for Work in America, by 
Frederick W. Shipley, reference 
to, 17, 144 

Archaeological Institute of America, 
founding of societies of, 187 

Archaeologists, appreciation of ef- 
forts of, 187 


Archaeology, 183; aid of, to Eth- 
nology, 185 

Archdale, John, statement by, 241 

Arikara Indians, 114, 118 

Arizona, type of Indians in, 125 

Arkansas, Indians in, 114, 120; type 
of Indians in, 125; plans for his- 
torical work in, 140, 141; histor- 
ical agencies in, 141-143; work of 
sanitary commission in, 227 

Arkansas, Recent Historical Legisla- 
tion in, by John Hugh Eeynolds, 
reference to, 17; text of, 140 

Arkansas Historical Association, 
work of, 140; publications of, 140, 

Arkansas History Commission, crea- 
tion of, 141; composition of, 141- 
142; work of, 142-143 

Arkansas Biver, land north of, ceded 
to United States, 71; Indians on, 
114; reference to, 117, 121; Eng- 
lish trader on, 241 

Armstrong, Perry A., monument 
erected through efforts of, 156 

Arnold, Isaac N., letter to Wash- 
burne from, 162 

Art Commissions, need of, 145-146 

Articles of Confederation, govern- 
ment under, 36, 38; provision of, 
relative to raising revenue, 38- 
40; amendment of, 43, 44, 49 

Atakapa Indians, location of, 115, 
120; relation of, to other tribes, 
118-119; tradition of migration of, 
119; culture of, 122, 123 

Atlanta (Georgia), 113 

Atlantic States, exhaustion of farm 
lands in, 100, 101 

Audubon, John J., 86 

Avoyel Indians, location of, 114; 
tradition concerning, 118 

Azilia, grant of land known as, 246 

Baker, Edward D., 156 
Bank of Kentucky, notes of, 174; 
location of, 175; powers of, 175- 

176; operation of, 176-177; profits 
of, 177-180; suspension of pay- 
ment by, 179 

Bank of North America, chartering 
of, 168 

Banking in Kentucky, Early, by 
Elmer Cummings Griffith, ref- 
erence to, 18; text of, 168 

Barbour, James, letter from Clark 
to, 72-73 

Baskett, James N., 17 

Baskett, James Newton, Did Coro- 
nado Reach the Missouri River or 
Enter the State of Missouri, by, 
21, 218 

Bates, Eli, statue of Lincoln donated 
by, 157 

Baton Eouge, capture of, 204 

Bayogoula Indians, location of, 113 

Bayou Manchac, 200 

Bayou Teche, Indians on, 115 

Bear Grass, settlement of Floyd 
family at, 77 

Belgium, agricultural products of, 

Belle-Isle, accounts of Indians by, 

Berkeley, "William, exploration or- 
dered by, 236 

Bidai Indians, location of, 115 

Bienville, Sieur de, report of, con- 
cerning English traders, 241 ; Eng- 
lish frigate met by, 242; efforts 
of, to retain loyalty of Indians, 
243; letter to Pontchartrain from, 
244; efforts of, to break up Eng- 
lish trade, 245; reference to, 248; 
Indian war incited by, 250; recall 
of, 250; return of, to Louisiana, 
254; war of, against Chickasaws, 

Big Black Eiver, 114 

Biloxi, English trader at, 248 

Biloxi Indians, location of, 116; cul- 
ture of, 123 

Bird, Henry, expedition under, 206, 



Bissell, William H., monument to, at 
Springfield, 160 

Black Hawk, alliances made by In- 
dians under, 65; reference to, 66, 
156, 162 ; opposition of, to removal 
west of Mississippi, 73; Illinois 
invaded by, 73 ; capture of, 73 ; 
friendship of Clark and, 74; mon- 
ument commemorating battle 
against Indians under, 154; sol- 
diers killed by Indians under, 155 

Black Hawk Monument, 156 

Black Hawk War, monuments com- 
memorative of events in, 155-156; 
marking of Lincoln's route in, 158 

Blouin, Daniel, settlers led by, 151 

Blount, William, 43 ; letter from, to 
Martin, 44; opposition of, to land- 
tax, 45 

Blue Eidge, explorations beyond, 236 

Bogota (Columbia), Jones appoint- 
ed Consul to, 190 

Bolton, Herbert E, researches of, 115 

Bond, Shadrach, monument to, at 
Chester, 161 

Boone, Daniel, 77 

Boston, art commission in, 145; 
money raised in, for sanitary com- 
mission, 233 

Brackenridge, Henry M., extract 
from journal of, 84-85; visit of, 
to St. Louis, 213 

Bradbury, John, journal of, 84 

Briggs, Ansel, special session called 
by, 196 

Brinton, D. G., 114 

British, surrender of Hull to, 65; 
Indians incited by, 65; intrigues 
of, 68 ; rule of, in Illinois coun- 
try, 150; destruction of ships and 
property of, 200; knowledge of 
Spanish attitude by, 202 ; ob- 
jects of, 202-203; forts of, 
captured by Spanish, 203-204; 
reasons for defeat of, at St. Louis, 
210, 212-213, 217; retreat of, to 
Mackinac, 213; plan of, to con- 

quer West, 214-215, 217 (See 
also English) 

Brown, Charles E., 21 

Brown, Mr., early Indian trader, 238 

Buchanan, James, 78; Jones ap- 
pointed consul by, 190 

Bullock, Charles J., book by, 37 

Bureau of American Ethnology, ap- 
proval of plans of, 20; publica- 
tions planned by, 187 

Burlington (Iowa), land office at, 

Burr, Aaron, financial dealings of, 
in Kentucky, 172-173 

Burton, Clarence M., 25 

Butler, James Davie, Floyd's jour- 
nal edited by, 88 

Cabanne Branch Library, meeting 
of Association at, 16 

Caddo Indians, location of, 114 

Caddoan family, northern branches 
of, 114; location of, 114, 120; 
divisions of, 114; place of origin 
of, 118; migration of, 121; cul- 
ture of, 122 

Cadillac, Antoine de la Mothe, orders 
of, to settlers, 244 

Cahokia, founding of, 148; condi- 
tion of, at present, 149; desirabil- 
ity of monument to Clark at, 151 ; 
arrival of Clark at, 212; attack 
on, 212 

Calve, treachery of, 210 

Campbell, John, monument in mem- 
ory of battle fought by, 154 

Campbell, General, instructions to, 
203; surrender of, 204; Wabasha 
ordered to join, 205 

Campbell's Island, monument on, 

Canada, unpublished documents in, 

Carolina, adventurers from, 235, 
242 ; uneasiness among people of, 
240; English from, on Mississippi, 
240-241; aggressiveness of people 


of, 243; presents distributed by 
Governor of, 244; Indian revolt in, 
245; control of Indians by pro- 
prietors of, 246; return of peace 
in, 246; grant of land in, 246; 
Indian troubles in, 246; reasons 
of, for desiring protection of 
Crown, 247; efforts of English in, 
to arouse Indians, 248 ; freedom of 
traders of, 248-249; refugees in 
settlements in, 252; contrast be- 
tween settlers of Louisiana and, 
253; immigration to, 254 

Carondelet, settlement of, 207 

Cartabona, Don Francisco, aid fur- 
nished by, to St. Louis, 209 

Carter, Clarence E., Winsor prize 
won by, 35 

Carter, Clarence E., trade Condi- 
tions in Illinois, 1765-1768, by, 15, 
27, 35 

Cass, Lewis, treaty made by, 72 

Catlin, George, expedition of, 85; 
sketches of, 85; description of 
Floyd's grave by, 85 

Chakehiuma Indians, location of, 
113; migration of, 117 

Channing, Edward, statement by, 

Charleston (Illinois), anniversary 
exercises of debate at, 157 

Charleston (South Carolina), trade 
route from, 239; traders west of, 
240; reference to, 245 

Charlevoix, Pierre F. X. de, observa- 
tions by, 248, 249-250 

Chatot Indians, location of, 113 

Chattahoochee River, Indians on, 113 

Chattanooga, agents of sanitary com- 
mission at, 221 

Chawasha Indians, location of, 113 

•Cherokee Indians, proposed treaty 
with, 61 ; Clark sent on mission to, 
63; unjust treatment of, 68; de- 
sire for land cessions by, 71; 
treaty with, 71, 247-248, 252-253; 
tribes held back by, 113; location 

of, 116, 242; trader on way to, 
238; attitude of, toward English, 
243; resentment of, at English 
brutality, 245; uprising of, 255 

Chester (Illinois), monument to 
Bond at, 161 

Chicago, statue of Lincoln in, 157; 
statue of Grant in, 158; monu- 
ment to Douglas in, 159; statue 
of Logan in, 159; statue of La 
Salle in, 161 

Chicago and Alton Railroad Com- 
pany, monument to Marquette 
erected by, 149 

Chicago fire, marker at place of be- 
ginning of, 161 

Chicago Historical Society, historic 
site marked by, 149, 155, 161; 
monument presented to, 153; ref- 
erence to, 162, 163 

Chickasaw Indians, location of, 113, 
242; migration of, 116, 117; tradi- 
tion of, 119; physical character- 
istics of, 125; English traders 
among, 241; attitude of, toward 
French and English, 242, 243, 
244; English factories among, 
244; resentment of, at English 
brutality, 245; Frenchmen killed 
by, 248; war between Choctaws 
and, 250; refugee Indians among, 
252 ; war of Bienville against, 254- 

China, value of study of, 135 

Chippewa Indians, treaty with, 69; 
council attended by, 72 

Chitimacha Indians, location of, 
115, 120; relation of, to other 
tribes, 118-119; tradition of origin 
of, 119; migration of, 121; culture 
of, 122 

Choctaw Indians, location of, 113, 
242; reference to, 115; migration 
of, 116, 117; unity among villages 
of, 118; tradition of, 119; phys- 
ical characteristics of, 125; atti- 
tude of, toward French and Eng- 



lish, 242, 243, 244, 250; traders 
among, 244, 252 ; English intrigues 
among, 248 ; efforts of Bienville to 
regain good will of, 254 

Chouteau, Auguste, instructions to, 
66; treaty made by, 69 

Chouteau, Charles Pierre, monument 
erected by, 160 

Cibolo Creek, Indians on, 115 

Cincinnati, Lewis at, 78 

Civil War, work of sanitary commis- 
sion during, 218-234 

Clark, Dan Elbert, 5, 19, 31 

Clark, Dan Elbert, The First Elec- 
tion of United States Senators in 
Iowa, by, 18, 190 

Clark, Daniel, Indian trader, 251 

Clark, George Bogers, 63, 77; Kas- 
kaskia captured by, 150; impor- 
tance of conquest of, 151; desir- 
ability of monument to, 151-152; 
monuments to, 152 ; Indian village 
destroyed by order of, 162; ex- 
pedition against, 206; St. Louis 
discovered by, 207-208; relations 
between De Leyba and, 208 ; Span- 
ish warned by, 208; opportune ap- 
pearance of, 210; fort built by, 
211; warning of British attack 
brought to, 212; part of, in sav- 
ing St. Louis, 212-213, 217; force 
organized by, 213; military op- 
erations of, 214-216 

Clark, John, 63 

Clark, William, boyhood and youth 
of, 63; moving of, westward, 63; 
military service of, 63-64; retire- 
ment of, from army, 64; expedi- 
tion of Lewis and, 64; appoint- 
ment of, as Brigadier General, 64 ; 
marriage of, 65; command of 
army offered to, 65; appointment 
of, as Governor of Missouri, 65; 
expedition of, to Prairie du Chien, 
65; Indian treaties made by, 66, 
68, 69, 71, 72; instructions to, 66- 
68 ; change in Indian policy recom- 

mended by, 68-69; letter from 
Crawford to, 70; dissatisfaction 
with, 71; death of wife of, 71; 
appointment of, as Superintendent 
of Indian affairs, 72; visit of, to 
Prairie du Chien in 1825, 72; in- 
terest of, in Indians, 72; letter 
from, to Barbour, 73; desire of, 
for civilization of Indians, 73 ; ef- 
forts of, to secure removal of In- 
dians, 73; physicians sent out by, 
74; death of, 74; mourning for, 
74; services of, 74-75; reference 
to 78; extract from journal of, 81, 
83; letters to relatives of, 88; 
handwriting of, in Floyd's jour- 
nal, 88 

Clark, William — the Indian Agent, 
by Harlow Lindley, reference to, 
15, 27; text of, 63 

Clay, Henry, resolution by, 172 

Clifton, Josiah, 195 

Coahuila (Mexico), Indians in, 115 

Coahuiltecan family, location of, 115 

Cofitachique Indians, 120 

Colter, John, 77 

Columbia River, exploration of, 64 

Columbus (Kentucky), soldiers ' 
home at, 223 

Commons, John R., statement by, 

Company of the Indies, formation of, 
248; character of regime of, 249; 
niggardly policy of, 251; posses- 
sion of Louisiana by, 251; dis- 
couragement of, 252; holdings of, 
surrendered to crown, 253 

Company of the West, privileges 
given to, 248 

Confederate soldiers, manner of 
treatment of, by sanitary commis- 
sion, 225, 226, 227 

Congress, appropriation by, for 
Floyd monument, 91 

Congress of the Confederation, 
power of, to levy taxes, 40; ac- 
tion of, relative to western lands, 


42; land-tax scheme debated in, 
45; recommendations of, followed 
by Virginia, 49; land cessions 
urged by, 49; land ceded to, by 
North Carolina, 50; power of, to 
make requisitions, 55 

Conlee, Eeuben, 195 

Connecticut, 42; claims of, 54, 55, 
57, 59 

Conservation of the Natural Tie- 
sources of the Mississippi Valley, 
The, by Ernest M. Pollard, ref- 
erence to, 16, 20; text of, 99 

Constitution of Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association, 9-10 

Continental Congress, bank char- 
tered by, 168 

Continental money, redemption of, 
55; quantities of, in Kentucky, 

Coosa Eiver, Indians on, 113, 117 

Coronado Beach the Missouri Eiver 
or Enter the State of Missouri, 
Did, by James Newton Baskett, 
reference to, 21, 218 

Crawford, William H., letter from 
Clark to, 68; letters of, to Indian 
agents, 70-71 

Credit Island, marker on site of bat- 
tle on, 162 

Creek Indians, Clark sent on mission 
to, 63; tribes of, 113; location of, 
113, 242; culture of, 122; trade 
with, 239; attitude of, toward 
English, 243; resentment of, at 
English brutality, 245; council of 
English with, 247; uprising of, 

Crozat, Antoine, monopoly given to, 

Cuba, culture of peoples of, 124 

Cumberland (Maryland), 237 

Cumberland Gap, exploration of 
Walker through, 238 

Cumberland Eiver, house built on, 
by Walker, 238 

Cuming, Alexander, treaty of, with 

Indians, 247 
Cunningham, G. W., remarks by, 18 

Dakota City (Nebraska), camp of 
Lewis and Clark near, 80 

Dakota County (Nebraska), 80 

Danville Branch Bank, 179 

Dartmouth, Lord, plan of govern- 
ment drawn up by, 150, 151 

Daugherty, Mr., Indian trader, 239 

Davie, William E., protest by, 52-53 

Davis, Jefferson, 156 

Deace, Captain, Prairie du Chien left 
in charge of, 66 

Deadoses Indians, location of, 115 

Decatur (Illinois), home of Lincoln 
near, marked, 156 

Declaration of Independence, 133 

De Guyenne, Jesuit Missionary, 251 

De la Vente, tradition recorded by, 

Delaware, objection of, to new 
charges, 56 

De Leyba, Don Fernando, garrison 
under command of, 207; relations 
between Clark and, 208; warning 
of attack given to, 208; reference 
to, 212 

Democracy, reasons for growth of, 
in America, 129, 130-131; hin- 
drance to, in Europe, 130 

Democrats, dominance of, in Iowa, 
191; candidates for Senators 
among, 191; Dodge favored by, 
192; candidates of, in northern 
Iowa, 192 ; nominations by, for 
Senators, 193, 196; discomfiture 
of, 194; contest between Whigs 
and, 194; victory of, 197; un- 
scrupulous practices of, 198 

Denmark, agricultural products of, 

De Peyster, Major, expedition sent 
out by, 206, 214-216 

Des Moines (Iowa), Association in- 
vited to, 21 



De Soto, Fernando, Indians met by, 
116; reference to, 120 

Detroit, command of army at, of- 
fered to Clark, 65; British at, 
204; expedition from, 214, 216 

Dewey, Melvil, 166 

Dickerson, Oliver M., paper by, 25 

Dickson, Indians incited by, 6G; 
plan of, to assassinate Clark, 66 

Divorce, causes of increase in, 130; 
statistics on subject of, 135 

Dixon, John, monument on site of 
cabin of, 155-156 

Dixon (Illinois), monument at, 155 

Dixon Chapter of D. A. E., monu- 
ment erected by, 156 

Dodge, Augustus Caesar, events in 
life of, 190; popularity of, 192; 
nomination of, 193, 196, 197; ref- 
erence to, 194; election of, 198; 
term drawn by, 198 

Douglas, Stephen A., monument to, 
in Chicago, 159 

Douglas, Walter B., The Address 
of Welcome, by, 16, 95 

Draper, Lyman C, Floyd's journal 
acquired by, 88 

Dubuque (Iowa), candidates for 
senatorship at, 192 

Ducharme, treachery of, 210 

Du Pratz, Le Page, tradition re- 
corded by, 117; statement by, 119 

Duralde, myth recorded by, 119 

Durham wheat, raising of, 108 

Dyer, Eliphalet, proposal of, 39 

Edwards, Ninian, instructions to, 
66; treaty made by, 69 

Egypt, archaeological work in, 126; 
importance of sculpture of, 144 

Eliot, W. G., statement by, 220 ; ref- 
erence to, 222; influence of, 232 

England, agricultural products of, 
102; unpublished manuscripts in, 
127; history of fourteenth cen- 
tury in, 128; war between France 
and, 255 

English, early occupation of West 
by, 183, 235 (See also British) 

English traders, number of, in Mis- 
sissippi Valley, 236; early cross- 
ing of Alleghanies by, 237; names 
of, in Ohio Valley, 238; activities 
of^ in lower Mississippi Valley, 

English Turn, 242 

Etruscans, comparison of Japanese 
to, 131 

Ethnological Field, The Mississippi 
Valley as an, 17 

Ethnological Problems of the Lower 
Mississippi Valley, by John E. 
Swanton, text of, 112 

Ethnological Problems of the Upper 
Mississippi Valley, by James 
Mooney, reference to, 112 

Ethnologists, appreciation of efforts 
of, 187 

Ethnology, 183 ; research in field of, 
184; aid of Archaeology to, 185 

Executive Committee, meeting of, 15- 
16, 26, 27; questions referred to, 
19, 21, 29 

Eyeish Indians, location of, 114 

Farms, conservation of resources of, 

Flathead Indians, Clark a friend of, 

Flint Eiver, Indians on, 113 

Florida, Indian tribes in, 113, 116- 
117, 119, 120, 125, 126; culture 
of Indians in, 124; practice of 
deformation in, 125; Spanish in, 
204, 245, 256 

Floyd, Charles, enlistment of, 76, 
79; claims of, to consideration, 76- 
77; ancestry of, 77; early life of 
77-78; expedition joined by, 78; 
authority entrusted to, 79; ap- 
pointment of, as Sergeant, 79; ill- 
ness of, 80-83; death of, 83; bur- 
ial of, 83-84; grave of, from 1804 
to 1857, 84-85; reburial of, 86-87; 


journal of, 87-89; identification of 

grave of, 89; monument to, 90-92 
Floyd, Sergeant Charles, The Story 

of, by Frank Harmon Garver, 

reference to, 15, 27; text of, 76 
Floyd, Charles, migration of, to 

America, 77 
Floyd, Charles, father of Sergeant 

Floyd, 77 
Floyd, George Eogers Clark, 77 
Floyd, John, migration of, to Amer- 
ica, 77 
Floyd, John, officer in Eevolution, 

Floyd, John, Governor of Virginia, 

Floyd, John B., 77 
Floyd, William, migration of, to 

America, 77; death of, 77 
Floyd Memorial Association, work 

of, 90-92 
Floyd Park, 84 
Floyd Eiver, 84 
Floyd's Bluff, 83, 91 
Ford, Thomas, monument to, at 

Springfield, 158 
Forman, J. G., 220 
Fort Adams, 115 
Fort Armstrong, monument on site 

of, 155; marker in memory of 

Dred Scott at, 162 
Fort Armstrong Chapter of D. A. E., 

monument erected by, 155 
Fort Chartres, building of, 148; 

ruins of, 149 
Fort Crevecoeur, monument on site 

of, 150 
Fort Dearborn, massacre at, 153; 

site of, marked, 153, 155 
Fort Gage, need for marker at, 149 
Fort Greenville, 64 
Fort Jefferson, 214 
Fort Manchac, capture of, 204 
Fort Massac, monument to Clark at, 

Fort Pitt, need of powder at, 199; 

reference to, 200, 215 

Fort Eosalie, building of, 246; 
destruction of, 252 

Fort St. Louis, 161 

Fort Toulouse, mutiny of garrison 
of, 252 

Fox Eiver, gathering of Indians 
near, 205 

France, agricultural products of, 
102; unpublished documents in, 
127; treaty between Spain and, 
203; Louisiana held by, 251; war 
between England and, 255 

Frankfort (Kentucky), bank located 
at, 175; meeting of bank directors 
at, 179 

Franklin, State of, history of, 35- 
36; first step in development of, 
61; reference to, 62 

Frazier, Mr., house of, 238 

Freeport (Illinois), marker com- 
memorative of debate at, 157 

French, settlements of, in Illinois 
country, 148; period of, in Missis- 
sippi Valley, 183; desire of Eng- 
lish to separate colonies of, 236; 
activities of, in lower Mississippi 
Valley, 239-256 

Friar Point, Indian settlement near, 

Frieden, John P., courtesy of, 18; 
thanks of Association extended to, 
Fullenwider, Samuel, 195 

Gage, Thomas, petition to, 150 

Galena (Illinois), statue of Grant 
at, 159 

Galesburg (Illinois), marker com- 
memorative of debate at, 157 

Galloway, B. T., advice by, 109 

Galveston (Texas), Indians on site 
of, 115 

Galveston Bay, 115 

Galvez, Don Bernardo de, aid fur- 
nished by, 199-200; instructions 
to, 203 ; British posts captured by, 



Gapper, Mrs., stock in insurance 
company owned by, 174 

Garrard, James, recommendation of, 

Garver, Frank Harmon, The Story 
of Sergeant Charles Floyd, by, 15, 
27, 76 

Gass, Patrick, extract from journal 
of, 81; biography of, 81; refer- 
ence to, 88 

Gatschet, A. S., 116 

George III, treatment of colonists 
by, 133 

Georgia, land- jobbing in, 42; aid to, 
by North Carolina, 52, 59; exten- 
sive territory of, 52, 57; North 
Carolina's share in cession of, 57; 
settlement of Floyd in, 77; In- 
dians in, 120; effect of founding 
of, 254 

Germain, George, instructions from, 

Germany, agricultural products of, 

Ghent, Treaty of, terms of, 66; 
property stolen after ratification 
of, 69 

Gibson, George, plan of, to secure 
powder, 199; reference to, 207 

Gila Valley, 125 

Gist, Christopher, exploration of, 
237; settlement of, 237, 238 

Glen, Governor, statement by, 250, 

Graham, Duncan, 162 

Graham, George, instructions to 
Clark from, 68 

Grand Lake, Indians on, 115 

Grant, Ulysses S., statue of, in Chi- 
cago, 158; statue of, at Galena, 
159; supplies furnished to army 
of, 220-221; agents of sanitary 
commission with army of, 221; 
health of army cared for by, 225 

Gratiot, Charles, warning brought to 
Clark by, 212 

Great Britain, war declared against, 

by Spain, 203 
Greece, archaeological work in, 126; 

importance of sculpture of, 144 
Greeks, difficulty in understanding, 

Greeley, Mr., 232 
Green County (North Carolina), 

deputies from, 61 
Greenup, Governor, bill opposed by, 

Greenwich (Connecticut), defense 

of, 54 
Griffith, Elmer Cummings, Early 

Banking in Kentucky, by, 18, 168 
Grigra Indians, location of, 115 
Groton (Connecticut), defense of, 54 
Gulf of Mexico, Indians along, 113, 

116, 123; origin of Indian tribes 

on, 118-121; French settlers on, 


Hadley, Herbert S., 16; absence of, 
from meeting, 95 

Haldimand, General, instructions to, 

Hall, J. C, bribery in support of, 

Halleck, Henry W., 228 

Hamilton, Alexander, efforts of, to 
remedy financial evils, 38 

Hamilton, Henry, letter from, 202 ; 
objects of expedition of, 202-203 

Hancock, Julia, marriage of, to 
Clark, 65; death of, 71 

Hardin, John, expedition of, 63 

Harington, S. C, 221 

Harlan, Edgar E., conference pre- 
sided over by, 17; reference to, 
19, 26; report of committee made 
by, 21; invitation presented by, 21 

Harrison, Benjamin, address deliv- 
ered by, 153-154 

Harrodsburg, arrival of Clark at, 

Hasinai Indians, location of, 114 

Hawkins, Benjamin, 43 


Haywood, J., 62 

Head, Idress, 20 

Hearn, Lafcadio, observations of, 
concerning Japanese, 131, 135 

Helena (Arkansas), soldiers' home 
at, 223 

Hempstead, Stephen, support of, for 
senatorship, 192 

Henry, Patrick, letter from, to 
Spanish Governor, 200-202; refer- 
ence to, 151, 203 ; letter from Mor- 
gan to, 207; letter to De Leyba 
from, 208 

Hesse, Emanuel, command of expedi- 
tion entrusted to, 205; movement 
in support of, 206 

Hillsborough, Lord, 150 

Historian, duties of, to aboriginal 
history, 182, 183, 185; divisions 
of research by, 183 

Historic Places in Illinois, The 
Marking of, by William A. 
Meese, reference to, 18; text of, 

Historic sites, recommendations con- 
cerning marking of, 20; commit- 
tee on, 21 

Historical Legislation, Recent, in Ar- 
kansas, by John Hugh Eeynolds, 
reference to, 17; text of, 140 

Historical Libraries, Relation of 
State and, by Francis A. Samp- 
son, reference to, 18; text of, 164 

Historical Society, State, legislative 
reference work a function of, 139 ; 
publications by, 164; collection of 
material by, 164-166 

Historical Society of Iowa, The 
State, publications planned by, 

History, practical application of, 
137; methods of applying, 138- 
139; larger view of, 139 

History, Sculpture as a Factor in, 
by George Julian Zolnay, ref- 
erence to, 18; text of, 144 

Hitciti Indians, location of, 113; 

migration of, 116, 117; dominance 
of Muskogee over, 117 

Hodder, Frank Haywood, The Sec- 
ond Missouri Compromise, by, 18- 

Holland, agricultural products of, 

Holmes, William H., thanks of As- 
sociation extended to, 20 

Holmes, William H., Remarks on 
the Study of Aboriginal American 
History, by, 18, 182 

Holston Eiver, Walker on, 2.38 

Hopkins, Cyril G., statement by, 101- 
102, 106-107 

Hosmer, James K., history by, 218 

Houma Indians, location of, 113 

Howell, David, letter from, 41-42 

Hoyt, William M., tablet presented 
by, 155 

Hrdlicka, Ales, 124, 125 

Huastec Indians, location of, 116; 
reference to, 124 

Hudson, Silas A., roll called by, 194 

Hull, William, surrender of, 65 

Huner, Jacob, 195 

Hunt, W. P., expedition of, 84 

Iberville, Pierre le Moyne de, ex- 
plorations of, 240; reason for es- 
tablishment of post by, 242 

Illinois, removal of Indians from, 
73; invasion of, by Black Hawk, 
73; exhaustion of farm lands in, 
101-102; example set by people of, 
107; reference to, 125; first set- 
tlement in, 148; period of British 
rule in, 150; La Salle's fort in, 
150; meeting of settlers of, 150, 
151; migration to, 152 

Illinois, The Marking of Historic 
Places in, by William A. Meese, 
reference to, 18; text of, 148 

Illinois, Trade Conditions in, 1765- 
1768, by Clarence E. Carter, 
reference to, 15, 27, 35 



Illinois Chapter of D. A. K., monu- 
ment erected by, 152, 157 

Illinois country, expedition against, 
205; desperate conditions in, 211- 

Illinois Indians, war between 
Natchez and, 244 

Illinois Park Commission, creation 
of, 161; duties of, 161-162 

Illinois State Historical Society, 
donation to, 158 

Illinois Territory, misunderstanding 
with Indians in, 70 

Immigration, statistics on, 135 

Indiana, removal of Indians from, 
73; exhaustion of farm lands in, 
101; example set by people of, 
107; immigration from, to Illinois, 

Indiana Territory, 70 

Indians, anxiety caused by, in North 
Carolina, 37; expenses of expedi- 
tions against, 45, 52, 54, 57, 59; 
making of peace with, 53 ; pur- 
chase of lands from, 54; dangers 
from, in North Carolina, 56; early 
interest of Clark in, 63 ; Clark a 
member of war parties against, 
63; Clark's knowledge of charac- 
ter of, 64; disturbances among, 
quelled by Clark, 65; depredations 
by, 66; instructions regarding re- 
lations with, 66-67 ; plans for sup- 
pression of, 67; British intrigues 
among, 68; treaties with, 68, 69, 
71, 72 ; removal of whites from 
lands of, 68; recommendations by 
Clark concerning dealings with, 
68-69; instructions of Crawford 
relative to, 70-71; trouble between 
whites and, 73 ; efforts to secure re- 
moval of, 73 ; small-pox among, 74 ; 
Clark's death mourned by, 74; ser- 
vices of Clark to, 74; councils 
with, 80; line of demarkation be- 
tween northern and southern, 112 ; 
character of southern, 112; loca- 

tion of tribes of, 112-117; origin 
of tribes of, 116-121; caste sys- 
tem among, 120-121; cause of mi- 
gration of, 121; methods of classi- 
fying, 121-122; culture of, 122- 
125; general types of, 125; neces- 
sity for prompt investigations 
among, 126-127, 188-189; phases of 
study of, 183-184; progress of re- 
searches among, 184-185; problems 
in study of, 185; Handbook on, 
187; powder given to, 199; plan 
of British to gain favor of, 202- 
203; aid to British by, 204-205; 
English wares among, 237; trade 
with, in Mississippi Valley, 239- 

Iowa, Floyd buried within borders 
of, 79; Lewis and Clark expedi- 
tion along border of, 79-84; set- 
tlement of northwestern, 89; ap- 
propriation by legislature of, for 
Floyd monument, 91; type of In- 
dians in, 125; deadlock in, 190; 
admission of, 191; contest for sen- 
atorship in, 191-198; first general 
election in, 191; sectional strife 
in, 192-193; attempt at bribery in, 

Iowa, The First Election of United 
States Senators in, by Dan El- 
bert Clark, reference to, 18; 
text of, 190 

Iowa, The State Historical Society 
of, publications planned by, 139 

Iowa City, Association invited to, 
21; meeting of legislature at, 193 

Iowa Economic History Series, 139 

Ioway Indians, treaty with, 68, 72 ; 
council attended by, 72 

Iron Banks, fort built at, 211 

Iroquoian family, 112 

Iroquois language, proficiency of 
Muskogee in, 118 

Irrigation, need of, 108 ; land re- 
claimed by, 108 

Italy, Archaeological work in, 126 


Jackson, Andrew, 67; power of 
western democracy taught by, 97 

James, James Alton, 19, 20, 31 

James, James Alton, The Signif- 
icance of the British Attach on St. 
Louis, 1780, by, 21, 199 

James Eiver, settlement on, urged, 

Janambrian family, location of, 116 

Japan, value of study of, 135 

Japanese, stage of civilization 
among, 131 

Jefferson, Thomas, governmental ac- 
tivities of, 48 ; letter from, to 
Madison, 49; plan of, for govern- 
ment of West, 49; Clark appoint- 
ed to go on expedition by, 64; 
letter from Lewis to, 87; prophetic 
vision of, 97; instructions to 
Clark from, 211 

Jefferson County (Kentucky), set- 
tlement of Floyd family in, 77; 
birth of Floyd in, 77; Floyd's 
journal sent to, 88 

Johnson, Dr, 232 

Johnson, Mr., supplies conveyed by, 

Joliet and Marquette, monument to, 
at mouth of Wisconsin, suggested, 
20, 163 

Jones, George W., events in life of, 
190; nomination of, for senator- 
ship, 197; election of, 198; term 
drawn by, 198 

Jonesboro (Illinois), marker com- 
memorative of debate at, 157 

Kadohadacho Indians, location of, 

Kanawha River, 49, 237 ; exploration 

of tributary of, 236 
Kane, Elias Kent, tomb of, 149 
Kansas, type of Indians in, 125; 

work of sanitary commission in, 

Kanzas Indians, treaty with, 72 
Karankawan Indians, location of, 

115, 120; relation of, to other 
tribes, 119 
Kaskaskia, founding of, 148; site of, 
washed away, 148; reference to, 

149, 212; capture of, by Clark, 

150, 208; meeting of settlers at, 
150, 151; desirability of monu- 
ment to Clark near site of, 151; 
departure of Clark from, 214 

Kaskaskia Records, 18, 20 

Kellogg 's Grove, monument, on site 
of battle ground of, 156 

Kentucky, migration of Floyd fam- 
ily to, 77; men from, in Clark's 
army, 152; beginning of banking 
functions in, 168; continental 
money in, 169 ; private bank notes 
in, 169; law relative to exchange 
in, 169-170; need of money in, 
170 ; first bank in, 170-172 ; State 
Bank established in, 175-176 ; ben- 
efit of bank to, 177; profits of 
banking in, 177-179 ; branch banks 
in, 178, 179; bank charters re- 
pealed in, 180; attempts of, to 
tax United States Bank, 180 ; bank 
experiments in, 181; immigration 
to, 215; murder of people of, 215; 
grant of land in, 238 

Kentucky, Early Banking in, by 
Elmer Cummings Griffith, ref- 
erence to, 18; text of, 168 

Kentucky Insurance Company, in- 
corporation of, 170; banking 
powers given to, 171-172; attempt 
to repeal charter of, 172; deal- 
ings of Burr with, 172-173; at- 
tacks on, 173-174; admission by 
officers of, 174; expiration of 
charter of, 175; success of, 175 

Keokuk, land cession made by, 73 

Kichai Indians, location of, 114 

Kickapoos, treaty with, 68 

King, Nelson, attempt at bribery 
exposed by, 194 

King George's War, 255 

Klondyke, finding of gold in, 129 



Knotts, Minnie P., paper read by, 

Knox College, tablet on walls of, 157 
Knoxville (Illinois), Hebard house 

in, marked, 156 
Koasati Indians, location of, 113; 

migration of, 117; dominance of 

Muskogee over, 117 
Kohlsaat, H. H., monument donated 

by, 159 
Koroa Indians, location of, 115 

La Harpe, statement by, 242, 243, 

Lake Caddo, Indians on, 114 

Lake Huron, 65 

Lake Michigan, desire for Indian 
land cessions near, 70 

Lake Minnetonka, meeting of As- 
sociation at, 25 

Lake Pontchartrain, Indian village 
on, 241 

Lake St. Joseph, Indians on, 114 

Lake Sodo, Indians on, 114 

Langlade, Captain, expedition under, 
206; retreat of, 213 

Land offices, establishment of, in 
North Carolina, 47, 48 

Larson, Laurence M., paper by, 26 

La Salle, recommendation for monu- 
ment to, 20, 163; reference to, 96, 
119, 242; descent of Mississippi 
by, 115; companions of, 124; fort 
built by, 150; statue of, in Chi- 
cago, 161; English goods found 
among Indians by, 237 

Lee, Jason, sending of, to Oregon, 

Lee, Thomas, member of Ohio Com- 
pany, 237 

Lee County (Iowa), independent 
ticket in, 192 

Legislative Eeference Departments, 
work of, 138; stages in develop- 
ment of, 138 

L'Epinay, Governor, mistakes of, in 
dealing with Indians, 246 

Le Sueur, exploration of, 241 

Lewis, E. G., members of Associa- 
tion guests of, 18; thanks of As- 
sociation extended to, 20 

Lewis, Meriwether, expedition of 
Clark and, 64; preparations of, 
for expedition, 78; descent of 
Ohio by, 78; letter to Jefferson 
from, 87 

Lewis and Clark Expedition, Floyd 
a member of, 76; councils with 
Indians during, 80; absence of 
physician on, 82-83; wintering of, 
among Mandans, 87 

Lexington (Kentucky), insurance 
company located at, 170, 171; 
Aaron Burr at, 172-173 

Lexington Branch Bank, 178, 179- 

Libby, Orin G., address by, 16; ref- 
erence to, 17, 18, 26; election of, 
as President, 21; paper by, 25 

Libby, Orin G., The Response to the 
Address of Welcome, by, 95 

Lieking Kiver, British expedition up, 

Lincoln, Abraham, wise leadership 
of, 97; reference to, 153, 156; 
markers commemorative of events 
in life of, 156; statue of, at Chi- 
cago, 157; tomb of, at Springfield, 
157-158; marking of route of, in 
Black Hawk War, 158; attitude 
of, toward sanitary commission, 

Lincoln (Nebraska), Association in- 
vited to, 21 

Lincoln Monument Association, mon- 
ument erected by, 157-158 

Lindley, Harlow, William Clark — 
the Indian Agent, by, 15, 27, 63 

Linn, William, powder delivered by, 
199; reference to, 207 

Lisa, Manuel, expedition of, 84 

Logan, John A., statue of, in Chi- 
cago, 159 


Lords of Trade, letter to, 236, 240; 
instructions of, to Nicholson, 247 

Louisiana, Clark appointed Indian 
Agent for, 64; Indians in, 114, 
115, 120, 126; sympathies of peo- 
ple of, 200 ; result of war on, 243 ; 
French influence in, 245; English 
conquest of, prevented, 245; Eng- 
lish invasion of, threatened, 246; 
monopoly of trade of, given to 
Crozat, 248; character of forts in, 
251-252 ; contrast between col- 
onists of Carolina and, 253; bad 
name given to, 253; return of 
Bienville to, 254 ; dread of English 
attack on, 255 

Louisiana Purchase, first United 
States soldier buried in, 76 

Louisville (Kentucky), settlement of 
Floyd family near, 77; Lewis 
joined by companions at, 78; 
Clark's letter sent to, 88; arrival 
of Sanders at, 168 

Louisville Merchants ' Insurance 
Company, incorporation of, 175 

Love joy, Elijah P., monument to, at 
Alton, 158-159 

Lowden, Frank O., donation by, for 
marking historic sites, 158 

Lowe, Ralph P., Whig support of, 

Loyal Land Company, grant to, 238 

McCarty, Jonathan, nomination of, 
for senatorship, 193 ; number of 
votes received by, 194; defeat of, 

McKinley, William, amiability of, 

McRee, G. J., book by, 37 

Mackinac, British at, 204; retreat 
of British to, 213 

Maclaine, A., opposition of, to re- 
peal of act of cession, 59; refer- 
ence to, 61 

Macon County Court House, marker 
on, 156 

Madison, James, 39; governmental 
activities of, 48; letter from Jef- 
ferson to, 49; position offered to 
Clark by, 65 

Mahas, treaty with, 68; desire for 
council with, 80 

Mandans, small-pox among, 74; 
winter quarters of Lewis and Clark 
among, 87 

Mann, Charles W., resolutions upon 
death of, 20-21, 22; paper by, 25 

Marbut, Curtis Fletcher, Physi- 
ography as Belated to History in 
the Mississippi Valley, by, 17, 128 

Margry, Pierre, letter from, 162-163 

Marquette, Jacques, site of cabin of, 
marked, 149; landing place of, 
marked, 149 

Marquette and Joliet, recommenda- 
tion for monument to, 20, 163 

Marshall, Mr., dealings of, with 
French, 248 

Martin, Alexander, Assembly lec- 
tured by, 37; letter to, 44; letter 
from, to Delegates, 48; message 
of, 49; reference to, 54, 60, 61; 
Sevier appointed by, 61 

Martin, George W., 15, 25 

Martin's Station, capture of, 214, 

Maryland, refusal of, to adopt Ar- 
ticles of Confederation, 43; objec- 
tion of, to new charges, 56; Ohio 
Company formed by men from, 

Mason, Edward, letter to, 153 

Massachusetts, 45; claims of, 54, 55, 
56, 57, 59; first bank in, 168; 
money and supplies for sanitary 
commission raised in, 232, 233 

Matchikuis, Hesse joined by, 205; 
exploit of, 205 

Maumee River, British expedition by 
way of, 216 

Maximilian, Alexander Philip, ex- 
tract from journal of, 85-86 

Mayan family, branch of, 116 



Meese, William A., 17 

Meese, William A., The Marking of 
Historic Places in Illinois, by, 81, 

Memphis, hospital at, 223 ; soldiers ' 
home at, 223 

Menard, Pierre, statue of, at Spring- 
field, 160 

Menominee Indians, council attended 
by, 72; reference to, 205 

Mexico, Indians in, 115-116; culture 
of Indians in, 123, 126; type of 
Indians in, 125 

Miami River, British expedition by 
way of, 216 

Middle Sabine River, Indians on, 

Mikasuki Indians, location of, 113; 
migration of, 117 

Minnesota, example set by people of, 

Mississippi, Indians in, 113, 119, 126 

Mississippi River, 70, 113; Clark 
buried near, 74; Indians on, 114, 
115, 120, 121, 123; migration of 
Indians across, 117; type of In- 
dians on, 125; site of Kaskaskia 
washed away by, 148; anniversary 
of La Salle's discovery of mouth 
of, 163; monument to La Salle at 
mouth of, recommended, 163 ; in- 
surance of boats on, 170 ; first sen- 
ator born west of, 190 ; seizure of 
British vessels in, 200; exclusion 
of British flag from, 200; plan to 
facilitate commerce on, 202; plan 
of British to gain control of, 202- 
203; villages on, 207; exploration 
of, by Le Sueur and Penicaut, 241 ; 
English frigate in, 242 ; efforts to 
break up English trade on, 245; 
voyage of Charlevoix down, 248 

Mississippi Valley, immigration to, 
35; problems of, 95; interest in 
history of, 96; importance of, 96- 
97; men connected with history of, 
97; field for students in, 97; need 

for historical research in, 98; 
greatest natural resource of, 99; 
conditions of soil in, 102 ; conser- 
vation problem in, 103 ; unscientific 
farming in, 105-107; progressive 
farming in, 106; swamp land in, 
107; farm in, ideal home, 110; 
difference between northern and 
southern Indians in, 112; origin 
of Indian tribes in, 118-121; cul- 
ture of Indians in lower, 122-125; 
physical anthropology of, 125; 
ethnological problems of, 125-126; 
necessity for prompt ethnological 
research in, 126-127; beginning of 
civilization in, 148; earliest Jesuit 
mission church in, 149; need of 
studying ethnic elements in, 182; 
pre-history of, 182; problem of 
peopling of, 183; mission of his- 
torical societies in, 185-186 ; desire 
of Spain to gain, 203 ; difficulty in 
describing trade and travel in, 
235 ; English traders in, 236 ; plan 
of La Salle to keep English out 
of, 237 

Mississippi Valley as an Ethnological 
Field, The, 17 

Mississippi Valley, Early Trade and 
Travel in the Lower, by William 
O. Scroggs, reference to, 21-22 ; 
text of, 235 

Mississippi Valley, Lower, Ethnolog- 
ical Problems of the, by John R. 
S wanton, text of, 112 

Mississippi Valley, Physiography as 
Belated to History in the, by Cur- 
tis Fletcher Marbut, reference 
to, 17, 128 

Mississippi Valley, The Conservation 
of the Natural Resources of the, 
by Ernest M. Pollard, reference 
to, 16, 20; text of, 99 

Mississippi Valley, Upper, Ethnolog- 
ical Problems of the, by James 
Mooney, reference to, 112 


Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- 
ciation, meetings of, 5, 15-22, 25- 
28; Constitution of, 9-10; officers 
of, 11, 21; executive committee of, 
15; publications of, 19; auditing 
committee of, 19; resolutions of, 
20, 22; invitations to, offering 
places of meeting, 21; member- 
ship roll of, 26, 28; growth of, 
28; recommendations concerning 
publications by, 28-31; financial 
statement of, 31; field and work 
of, 95-98; need for investigation 
by, 123; mission of, 162; work of, 
commended, 182 
Missouri, conflict over admission of, 
71; first Governor of, 71; extin- 
guishment of Indian title in, 72; 
type of Indians in, 125; work of 
sanitary commission in, 221, 227 
Missouri, Territory of, Clark ap- 
pointed Governor of, 65; Indian 
warfare in, 66 
Missouri Compromise, The Second, 
by Frank Heywood Hodder, ref- 
erence to, 18-19 
Missouri Historical Society, meeting 
in rooms of, 17; reference to, 20; 
thanks of Association extended to, 
Missouri Indians, council with, 80 
Missouri Eiver, exploration of, 64, 
84-86; reference to, 68, 120, 123; 
camp opposite mouth of, 78-79; 
course of Lewis and Clark expedi- 
tion up, 79-84; shifting of, 86; 
abandonment of, 89; villages on, 
Mitchell, Gilbert C. R., nomination 
of, for senatorship, 193; reference 
to, 195 
Mitchell, John, map by, 239 
Mobile, surrender of, 204 
Mobile Bay, Indians on, 117 
Mobile Indians, location of, 113 
Moline Chapter of D. A. E., monu- 
ment erected by, 154 

Money, substitutes for, in Kentucky, 

168, 169 
Monks Mound, visit to, 21 
Monongahela River, 237; house of 

Frazier on, 238 
Monongahela Valley, settlement of 

Gist in, 237 
Monroe, James, instructions sent out 
by, 66; reference to, 67; letter 
to, 68 
Montgomery, Colonel, 212; expedi- 
tion under, 213-214 
Montgomery, John, Indian village 

destroyed by, 162 
Montgomery, Robert, grant of land 

to, 246 
Mooney, James, paper read by, 18; 
thanks of Association extended to, 
Mooney, James, Ethnological Prob- 
lems of the Upper Mississippi Val- 
ley, by, 17, 112 
Moore, James, explorations of, 240 
Morgan, George, letter to Henry 

from, 207 
Morris (Illinois), monument to Shab- 

bona at, 156 
Morris, Robert, efforts of, to remedy 
financial evils, 38; proposals of, 
40, 41; land-tax measure of, 45; 
bank founded by, 168 
Muskhogean family, territory cov- 
ered by, 112-113; relation of 
Natchez to, 114; tradition of mi- 
gration of, 116; place of origin 
of, 117; advance guard of, 118; 
ancestors of, 120; fusion of, with 
other tribes, 121; migration of, 
121; cause of migration of, 121; 
culture of, 122, 123 
Muskogee Indians, location of, 113; 
tradition of migration of, 116; 
distinct dialect of, 117; dominance 
of, over other tribes, 117; rela- 
tions of, with subject tribes, 117- 
118; physical characteristics of, 



Nahuatlan family, location of, 116 

Naniaba Indians, location of, 113 

Nanih waya, legend of hill of, 116 

Nash, Abner, 43 

Natchez, 200; Galvez ordered to at- 
tack, 203; surrender of, 204; 
Wabasha ordered to proceed to, 
205; fort on site of, 246 

Natchez Indians, location of, 114; 
tribes subject to, 115; tradition of 
migration of, 117; offshoots from, 
118; culture of, 122, 123, 125; 
war between Illinois and, 244; re 
volt of, 252 

Navaho Indians, irruption of, 121 

Nebraska, agricultural conditions in, 
105; ideal farm home in, 110; 
Indians in, 114; type of Indians 
in, 125 

Negroes, discrimination against, 
130; southern codes relative to, 
134; proportion of, to white pop- 
ulation, 135; work of sanitary 
commission among, 227 

New Bern (North Carolina), meet- 
ing of legislature at, 58 

New England, exhaustion of farm 
lands in, 100, 101; methods of 
agriculture in, 107; immigration 
from, to Illinois, 152 

New Hampshire, claims of, 55; cred- 
it for militia service received by, 

New Haven, defense of, 54 

New Jersey, 39 

New London (Connecticut), de- 
fense of, 54 

New Madrid, Clark sent with mes- 
sage to, 64 

New Mexico, Indians in, 118, 120; 
type of Indians in, 125 

New Orleans, 173, 199; plan to se- 
cure powder from, 199 ; port of, 
opened to Americans, 200; attack 
on, ordered, 203 

New York, 39, 42; western land 

cession by, 54, 59; claims of Mas- 
sachusetts to territory in, 57 

New York City, art commission in, 

New York State Library, activities 
of, 166 

Newton Center (Massachusetts), 
money raised by children in, 233 

Nez Perce Indians, Clark a friend 
of, 64; chiefs of, sent to Clark, 

Nicholson, Francis, council of, with 
Indians, 247 

Nicollet, Joseph N., extract from 
journal of, 86 

Nitrogen, quantity of, in soil, 104; 
methods of conserving, 104-105; 
soil robbed of, 106 

North America, original types of 
people in, 125 

North Carolina, quarrels with, 35; 
economic conditions in, 36; events 
leading up to cession by, 36; law- 
lessness and violence in, 37-38; ref- 
erence to, 42, 43 ; good news from, 
42; delegates from, in Congress, 
43; attitude of, 43; return of 
Williamson to, 44 ; cession by, sug- 
gested, 44 ; attitude of, toward ap- 
portionment, 44; injustice of tax 
system to, 45; conditions of land 
cession by, 45-46; financial con- 
siderations in, 46 ; amount of west- 
ern land owned by, 46; debts of, 
46 ; land legislation in, 47-48 ; hes- 
itancy of, to part with western 
lands, 48; hope of Jefferson for 
cession by, 49; meeting of legis- 
lature in, 49; cession by, recom- 
mended, 49-50; change of senti- 
ment in, 50; act of cession by, 
50-53; opposition to cession by, 
52-53; criticism of act of cession 
of, 53-54; quota of military ser- 
vice by, 55-56, 58; incidents caus- 
ing altered policy of, 56-57; In- 
dian expedition undertaken by, 57; 


dangers to, from neighboring 
States, 57; share of, in Georgia 
cession, 57; measures of interest 
to, 57; sale of forfeited property 
in, 58; profitable use of cession 
by, 58; acts of legislature of, 58- 
59; repeal of act of cession by, 
59 ; opposition to repeal of cession 
by, 59-60; adjournment of legis- 
lature of, 60; reasons for repeal 
of cession by, 62 

North Carolina Cession of 1784 in 
its Federal Aspects, The, by St. 
George L. Sioussat, reference to, 
15, 27; text of, 35 

North Dakota, Indians in, 114 

Nueces Eiver, Indians on, 115 

Nuttall, Thomas, 84 

Ofo Indians, location of, 116 
Oglethorpe, James Edward, treaties 

made by, 254 
Ohio, expedition against Indians in, 
63; proposal to recede land north 
of, to Indians, 70; removal of 
Indians from, 73; exhaustion of 
farm lands in, 101; immigration 
from, to Illinois, 152 ; desire for 
bank in, 177 
Ohio Company, formation of, 237; 
grant of land to, 237; storehouse 
built by, 237 
Ohio Eiver, 113, 120, 123, 216; in- 
surance of boats on, 170; pro- 
posal to establish post at mouth 
of, 202 
Ohio Valley, type of Indians in, 
125; Gist's journey to, 238; Eng- 
lish traders in, 239 
Okelousa Indians, location of, 113 
Oklahoma, Indians in, 114, 125, 126 
Olivean family, location of, 116 
Opelousa Indians, location of, 115 
Ordway, John, appointment of, as 

Sergeant, 79; reference to, 87 
Oregon country, exploration of, 63; 
missionaries sent to, 74 

Osage Indians, treaties with, 68, 71, 
72; desire for land cessions by, 

Ottawa (Illinois), marker commem- 
orative of debate at, 157 

Ottawa Indians, treaty with, 69; 
Hesse joined by, 205 

Ottoes, council with, 80 

Owen, Thomas M., 15, 16 

Page, John, 207 

Paine, Clarence S., acknowledgments 
to, 5; reference to, 15, 19, 31; 
election of, as Secretary- Treasurer, 
21; invitation presented by, 21 

Pakawan family, 116 

Pakawan Indians, relation of, to 
other tribes, 119; location of, 120 

Palestine, archaeological work in, 126 

Panuco (Mexico), Indians in, 116, 

Paris, Treaty of, terms of, 255 

Parish, John C, acknowledgments 
to, 5 

Park, Anthony, travels of, 238-239 

Parliament, bank abolished by, 168 

Partridge, Mr., 232 

Pascagoula Indians, location of, 113 

Pascagoula Eiver, Indians on, 116, 

Past, The Study of the Present as 
an Aid to the Interpretation of 
the, by Edward A. Eoss, refer- 
ence to, 17; text of, 128 

Pattawatamie Indians, treaty with, 
68, 69 

Pawnee Indians, 114; tradition con- 
cerning, 118 

Pea Eidge, care for wounded in 
battle of, 225-227, 228 

Pearl Eiver, 117 

Pelzer, Louis, paper by, 26 

Penicaut, tradition recorded by, 118 ; 
exploration by, 241 ; statement by, 
243; trip of, to Natchez country, 



Pennsylvania, 39; act of, criticised, 
42; credit for militia service re- 
ceived by, 56; claims of Connecti- 
cut to territory in, 57; ammuni- 
tion and provisions sent to, 200 

Penobscot expedition, 54 

Pensacola, demand of Governor of, 
200 ; reference to, 202 ; capture of, 

Pensacola Bay, Indians on, 117 

Pensacola Indians, location of, 113 

Peoria Chapter of D. A. E., monu- 
ment erected by, 150 

Perier, difficulties of, 251 

Phosphorus quantity of, in soil, 104; 
methods of conserving, 104-105; 
soil robbed of, 106 

Physiography as Belated to History 
in the Mississippi Valley, by Cur- 
tis Fletcher Marbut, reference 
to, 17, 128 

Piankeshaws, treaty with, 68 

Pike, Zebulon M., medals taken from 
Indians by, 67 

Pittsburg, embarkment of Lewis at, 
78; Indian agent at, 207 

Pittsburg Landing, 228 

Planters Hotel, dinner at, 18 

Platte Eiver, 80 

Plattenberg, A. W., care of wounded 
soldiers by, 226-227, 230 

Plymouth Kock, importance of, 96 

Polk, James K., desire to aid, 196 

Pollard, Ernest M., 18; thanks of 
Association extended to, 20 

Pollard, Ernest M., The Conserva- 
tion of the Natural Resources of 
the Mississippi Valley, by, 16, 20, 

Pollock, Oliver, efforts of, to secure 
Spanish aid, 199; success of, 199- 
200; reference to, 204 

Pontchartrain, Count de, memoir to, 
240; letter from Bienville to, 244 

Portage des Sioux, letter written 
from, 67; Indian treaties made 

at, 68; refusal of tribes to meet 
at, 69 

Potassium, quantity of, in soil, 103- 
104, 106; method of conserving, 

Prairie du Chien, importance of, 65; 
expedition to, 65; fort built at, 
66; attempt to murder Clark at, 
66; reference to, 67; division 
among Indians around, 68 ; Indian 
council and treaty at, 72; visit of 
Clark to, in 1830, 73; British ex- 
pedition at, 206 

Prairie du Eocher, founding of, 148 

Present, The Study of the, as an 
Aid to the Interpretation of the 
Past, by Edward A. Eoss, refer- 
ence to, 17; text of, 128 

Prevost, Pierre, 208 

Price, Sterling, retreat of, 226; lack 
of sanitary supplies in army of, 

Prussia, agricultural investigations 
in, 108 

Pryor, Nathaniel, appointment of, 
as Sergeant, 79; reference to, 87 

Puants, 120, 205 

Public lands, laws relative to, in 
North Carolina, 47; entering of, 
by speculators, 48 

Publications, discussion of subject 
of, 19; recommendations concern- 
ing, 28-31 

Pueblo Indians, 118; culture of, 124, 

Pullman, George, monument present- 
ed by, 153 

Quapaw Indians, migration of, 121 
Queen Anne's War, attitude of In- 
dians during, 243; reference to, 
Quincy (Illinois), monument to 
Clark at, 152; marker commem- 
orative of debate at, 157; monu- 
ment to Woods at, 160 


Quincy (Massachusetts), granite 

from quarries of, 157 
Quinipissa Indians, location of, 113 

Hand, finding of gold in, 129 
Kandolph, Edward, letter from, to 

Lords of Trade, 240 
Eed Crawfish Indians, location of, 

Bed Eiver, Indians on, 113, 114; 

origin of Indian family on, 117 
Eemonville, sailing of, 240 
Eesolutions of Mississippi Valley 

Historical Association, 20, 22 
Eevenue, provisions of Articles of 
Confederation relative to raising 
of, 38; methods of raising, 38-43 
Eevolutionary War, emigration to 
West after, 35; conditions in 
North Carolina at close of, 36; 
change of center of conflict in, 
36-37; result of, in South, 37; ef- 
forts to secure Spanish aid during, 
Eex, G. P., letter from, 229-230 
Eeynolds, John Hugh, 19, 31 
Eeynolds, John Hugh, Recent His* 
torical Legislation in Arkansas, 
by, 17, 140 
Ehode Island, opposition of, to im- 
post, 40; reference to, 42, 45; ef- 
fect of mode of taxation upon, 
42; objection of, to new charges, 
56; rejection of impost by, 57 
Ehodes, James Ford, history by, 218 
Eichmond (Virginia), meeting of 

Association at, 5, 15-16, 27, 33 
Biley's Mills (Illinois), need for 

marker at, 149 
Eio Grande Eiver, Indians on, 120 
Eobinson, Doane, paper read by, 26 
Bock Island, monument on, 155 
Eock Eiver, 69; Sac village near 

mouth of, 162 
Eogers, Ann, 63 

Bohl-Smith, Carl, monument pro- 
duced by, 153 

Bomans, difficulty in understanding, 

Boosevelt, Theodore, history by, 235 
Boss, Edward A., The Study of the 
Present as an Aid to the Interpre- 
tation of the Past, by, 17, 128 
Bowland, Dunbar, 15, 16, 21, 29 
Buddie's Station, capture of, 214, 

Bussellville (Kentucky), 177 
Bussellville Branch Bank, 178 
Bussia, value of study of phenomena 
in, 135 

Sac village, marker on site of, 162 
Sacs, treaty with, 68, 69 
Sacs and Foxes, visit of, to St. 
Joseph Island, 65; work of Brit- 
ish agents among, 65 ; treaty with, 
66, 72; territory ceded by, 69; 
council attended by, 72 ; reference 
to, 205; expedition against, 213- 
St. Augustine (Florida), 202 
St. Charles, settlement of, 207 
St. Ferdinand, settlement of, 207 
St. Gaudens, Augustus, statue of 
Lincoln by, 157; statue of Logan 
by, 159 
St. Joseph Island, visit of Indians 

to, 65 
St. Louis, meeting of Association 
at, 5, 16-22; visits of western In- 
dians to, 64; departure of Clark 
for, 64-65; reference to, 67, 125, 
228; treaty at, 69; Black Hawk 
sent to, 73-74; mourning over 
Clark's death in, 74; Floyd's jour- 
nal carried to, 88; history and 
pre-history of, 182-183; Dodge 
born near, 190; plan to capture, 
203; condition of, in 1780, 206- 
207; knowledge of Americans re- 
garding, 207-208; fortification of, 
208-209; Spanish account of at- 
tack on, 209-210; reasons for fail- 
ure of attack on, 210; influence of 



Clark in saving, 212-213, 217; 
visit of Brackenridge to, 213; sig- 
nificance of attack on, 217; san- 
itary commission organized in, 
219, 222; soldiers' home at, 223; 
care for sanitation of hospitals 
and prisons in, 225; benefactions 
of citizens of, to sanitary com- 
mission, 232, 233 

St. Louis, 1780, The Significance of 
the Attack on, by James Alton 
James, reference to, 21; text of, 

St. Louis University, visit to, 18, 20 

St. Peter's Eiver, 68 

Ste. Genevieve (Missouri), birth of 
Dodge at, 190; residence of Jones 
at, 190 

Sampson, Francis A., 19, 25 

Sampson, Francis A., Belation of 
State and Historical Libraries, by, 
18, 164 

Sanders, John, banking functions 
conducted by, 168 

Sanders Manufacturing Company, 

Sanitary Commission, United States, 
importance of, 218; comparison of 
western commission with, 219; sup- 
plies sent to West by, 221; value 
of supplies distributed by, 222; 
character of organization of, 229; 
hostility of, to western commis- 
sion, 230; praiseworthy work of, 

Sanitary Commission, Western, ig- 
norance regarding, 218-219; im- 
portance and efficiency of, 219 ; 
beginnings of, 219; scope of work 
of, 220; instances of work of, 
220-222; variety of activities of, 
222-225; prompt methods of, 225- 
227, 228-229, 230 ; work of, among 
freedmen, 227; character of or- 
< ganization of, 229-230 ; hostility 
to, 230; amount of supplies dis- 
tributed by, 231; noble service of 

leaders of, 231-234; source of 
money and supplies distributed 
by, 232-233; recognition due to, 

Sa,nitary Commission, The Western, 
by Eoland G. Usher, reference 
to, 21; text of, 218 

Savannah Eiver, 112; Indians on, 
116, 119, 120; grant of land on, 

Science, practical application of, 137 

Scott, General, 63 

Scott, Dred, marker in memory of, 

Scroggs, William O., Early Trade 
and Travel in the Lower Missis- 
sippi Valley, by, 21-22, 235 

Sculpture as a Factor in History, 
by George Julian Zolnay, refer- 
ence to, 18; text of, 144 

Secretary- Treasurer, report of, 25 

Senators, United States, contest over 
election of, in Iowa, 190-198 

Seneca Falls Convention, manifesto 
of, 134 

Sergeant's Bluff (Iowa), naming of, 

Sevier, John, movement led by, 35; 
appointment of, by Martin, 61 

Shabbona, monument to, 156 

Shabbona Park, monument in, 156 

Shambaugh, Benj. F., editor's pre- 
face by, 5; report of committee 
made by, 19; election of, as Vice 
President, 21; invitation presented 
by, 21; paper by, 26 

Shambaugh, Benj. F., Applied His- 
tory, by, 17, 137 

Shawanees, treaty with, 72 

Shawnee Indians, band of, in South, 

Shenandoah Valley, Spotswood 's 
reconnaissance in, 236 

Sherman, William T., agents of san- 
intary commission with army of, 
221; health of army cared for by, 


Shiloh, care for wounded in battle 
of, 228-229 

Shipley, Frederick W., Plans of 
the Archaeological Institute of 
America for WorTc in America, by, 
17, 144 

Shudras, conquered Indians known 
as, 120 

Shurtee's Creek, fort at, 237 

Siberia, agricultural investigations 
in, 108 

Sibley, supplies conveyed by, 66 

Sinclair, Lieutenant-Governor, ex- 
pedition sent out by, 204-205; ex- 
planation of failure of expedition 
by, 210 

Siouan family, 112; tribes of, in 
South, 116, 117; migration of 
tribe of, 121 

Sioussat, St. George L., The North 
Carolina Cession of 178-1 in its 
Federal Aspects, by, 15, 27, 35 

Sioux Indians, treaty with, 68, 69; 
council attended by, 72; chief of, 

Sioux City (Iowa), 84, 86; first 
railroad to, 89; efforts of citizens 
of, to locate Floyd's grave, 89- 
90; Floyd Memorial Association 
formed by citizens of, 90-92 

Skidi Pawnee Indians, 118 

Smith, John, story of, 96 

Smithsonian Institution, work of, 

Social development, lack of mater- 
ials on history of, 131-132; mis- 
takes in estimating forces in, 132- 
133; value of documents in study 
of, 133-134 

South, result of Revolutionary War 
in, 37 

South America, general type of na- 
tive people of, 125 

South Carolina, act of, 42; aid to, 
by North Carolina, 52, 59; cus- 
toms tariff by, 57; use of com- 
mercial fertilizers in, 100-101; 

western trade in, 239; arrival of 
Cuming in, 247 

Spaight, Richard D., 43, 62; ap- 
proval of suggestion of Congress 
by, 49 

Spain, unpublished documents in, 
127; Dodge minister to, 190; prize 
sought by, 203; treaty between 
France and, 203; war against 
Great Britain declared by, 203 

Spalding, H. H., 74 

Spanish, Indians encountered by, 
116; period of, in Mississippi Val- 
ley, 183; efforts to secure aid 
from, 199; aid furnished to Am- 
ericans by, 200; reasons for aid 
by, 200-202; attack on posts of, 
ordered, 203; expedition against, 
205-206; account by, of attack on 
St. Louis, 209-210; part of Clark 
in saving St. Louis for, 213, 217 

Spanish-American War, 129 

Speculators, land entered by, 48 

Spotswood, Alexander, western set- 
tlement urged by, 236; exploration 
of, 236-237; letter of, concerning 
Indian trade, 250 

Springfield (Illinois), marker in 
church in, 156; tomb of Lincoln 
at, 157-158; monument to Ford 
at, 158 ; statue of Menard at, 159- 
160; monument to Bissell at, 160 

Stalnaker, Mr., meeting of Walker 
with, 238 

Standish, Miles, story of, 96 

Stanton, Edwin M., attitude of, 
toward sanitary commission, 230 

Starved Rock, investigation of, 161 

State Library, legislative reference 
work in, 138; functions of, 166- 

Statistics, value of, 135-136 

Stillman Valley (Illinois), monument 
at, 155 

Stinkards, conquered Indians known 
as, 120 

Stoddard, Amos, 87 



Sullivan County (North Carolina), 
deputies from, 61 

Swanton, John E., thanks of Asso- 
ciation extended to, 20 

Swanton, John K., Ethnological 
Problems of the Lower Mississippi 
Valley, by, 17, 112 

Taensa Indians, location of, 114; 
tradition concerning, 118; culture 
of, 122 
Tallapoosa Indians, 113 
Tallapoosa Eiver, Indians on, 113, 

Tamaulipas (Mexico), Indians in, 

116, 120, 124 
Tamaulipecan family, location of, 

Tangipahoa Indians, location of, 113 
Tawakoni Indians, location of, 114 
Tawasa Indians, location of, 113 
Taxation, discussion of forms of, 42- 

43; plan for, by Morris, 45 
Taxes, debate over power to levy and 
collect, 40, 41; acts of States rela- 
tive to, 42 
Taylor, Zachary, 156; battle fought 

by, 162 
Teeton Indians, treaty with, 68 
Tehauntepec (Mexico), 125 
Tennessee, evolution of, 35; Indians 

in, 113 
Texas, Indians in, 114, 115, 120; 
Indians taken from, by Spanish, 
116; culture of Indians in, 123; 
type of Indians in, 125 
Thomas, Lewis A., support of, for 

senatorship, 192 
Thwaites, Eeuben G., address by, 26 ; 
Floyd's journal discovered by, 88 
Timucua Indians, migration legend 
of, 119; location of, 120; culture 
of, 122, 124, 125; physical char- 
acteristics of, 125 
Timuquanan family, location of, 116 
Tiou Indians, location of, 115 
Todd, John, letter delivered by, 208 

Tohome Indians, location of, 113 
Tombigbee Eiver, Indians on, 242 
Tonkawan Indians, location of, 115, 
120; relation of, to other tribes, 
Tonti, Henri de, descent of Missis- 
sippi by, 115; fort built by, 150 
Trade and Travel m the Lower Mis- 
sissippi Valley, Early, by Wil- 
liam O. ScrtOGGS, reference to, 21- 
22; text of, 235 
Trade Conditions in Illinois, 1765- 
1768, by Clarence E. Carter, 
reference to, 15, 27, 35 
Treaty of Paris, terms of, 255 
Tree, Lambert, statue donated by, 

Tribal unit, topics of research con- 
nected with, 184 
Trinity Eiver, Indians on, 114, 115 
Tunica Indians, location of, 115, 
120; relation of, to other tribes, 
118-119; tradition of origin of, 
119 ; migration of, 121 ; culture of, 
122, 123 
Turkey, value of study of govern- 
ment of, 135 
Turner, Frederick J., 129 
Turtle Creek, house of Frazier on, 

Tuscarora Indians, uprising of, 243 
Tuskegee Indians, location of, 113 

Uchean family, location of, 116 
United States, government of, under 
Articles of Confederation, 38; pro- 
vision for ceding of lands to, 43 ; 
country opened up to people of, 
64; products of farms of, 99; 
oldest bank in, 168 
United States Bank, attempts of 

Kentucky to tax, 180 
United States Christian Commission, 

218, 222 
University City, visit to, 18, 20 
Unzaga, Luis de, powder furnished 
by, 199 


Upham, Warren, paper by, 25 
Upper Neches Eiver, 114 
Usher, Eoland G., The Western 
Sanitary Commission, by, 21, 218 

Vaca, Cabeza de, Indians met by, 
116; reference to, 124 

Valle, Charles, militia under, 209 

Verendrye, Pierre Gautier Varennes, 
Sieur de la, 96 

Vermillion Bay, 115 

Yicksburg, work of sanitary com- 
mission at, 220-221; soldiers' 
home at, 223; care for wounded 
soldiers at, 230 

Vigo, Francois, 208 

Viles, Jonas, paper by, 26 

Vincennes, withdrawal of troops 
from, 212 

Virginia, importance of land ces- 
sion of, 43; provision of, for 
soldiers, 48; western land cession 
by, 48, 49, 54, 59; recommenda- 
tions of Congress adopted by, 49; 
example of, 50; immense territory 
of, 52; customs tariff in, 57; re- 
moval of Clark family from, 63; 
return of Clark to, 65; death of 
Mrs. Clark in, 71; settlement of 
Floyd in, 77; depreciation of 
value of land in, 100; men from, 
in Clark's army, 152; law of, ex- 
cluding bank notes, 169; Pollock 
as agent of, 199; ammunition and 
provisions sent to, 200; adventur- 
ers from, 235, 242 ; first western 
exploration from, 236; Ohio Com- 
pany formed by men from, 237; 
grant of land by, 238 ; immigra- 
tion to, 254 
Volk, Leonard, monument to Doug- 
las by, 159 

Wabash Expedition, Clark enlisted 

in, 63 
Wabasha, effort to secure aid of, 

205; instructions to, 205 

Waco Indians, location of, 114 
Walker, Thomas, exploration of, 

238; house built by, 238 
Wallace, William H., Whig support 

of, 197 
Washa Indians, location of, 113 
Washburne, E. B., letter to Arnold 

from, 162 
Washington, Augustine, member of 

Ohio Company, 237 
Washington, George, resignation of 
commission by, 48; devotion of, 
to West, 48; settlements men- 
tioned in journal of, 238 
Washington, Lawrence, member of 

Ohio Company, 237 
Washington County (Nebraska), 

camp of Lewis and Clark in, 80 
Washington County (North Caro- 
lina), deputies from, 61 
Washita Eiver, Indians on, 114, 115 
Watkins, Albert, paper by, 25 
Wayne, Anthony, Clark in army of, 

64; campaign of, 73 
Weber, Jessie Palmer, 25 
Welch, Colonel, route of, to Missis- 
sippi, 240 
Welcome, The Address of, by Wal- 
ter B. Douglas, reference to, 95 
Welcome, The Response to the Ad- 
dress of, by Orin G. Libby, 95 
Welling, President, article by, 38 
Wesley City (Illinois), monument at, 

West, devotion of Washington to, 
48; plan of Jefferson for govern- 
ment of, 49; growth of democracy 
in, 129, 130-131; sculpture in, 
145 ; specie taken from, 179 ; Brit- 
ish plan for conquest of, 214-215, 
217; feelings of southern colonists 
toward, 256 
West Indies, moral degredation in, 

Western lands, provision for ceding 
of, 43; amount of, owned by 
North Carolina, 46; hesitancy to 



part with, 48; cession of, by Vir- 
ginia, 48; opposition to cession of, 
by North Carolina, 52-53; plan 
for sale of, 58; repeal of cession 
of, by North Carolina, 59-60 

Westward Movement, phase of, 35 

Wheeler, Olin D., book by, 77 

Wheeling (Pennsylvania) , powder 
delivered at, 199 

Whigs, position of, in early Iowa, 
191-192; nominations by, for Sen- 
ators, 193; denunciation of Dem- 
ocrats by, 194; contest between 
Democrats and, 194; despair of, 
197; unscrupulous practices of, 

Whitehouse, Joseph, extract from 
journal of, 81, 83 

Whitman, Marcus, 74 

Wichita Indians, location of, 114; 
tribe separated from, 118 

Williams, Eoger, story of, 96 

Williamson, Hugh, 43, 62; letter 
from, to Martin, 44; opposition 
of, to land tax, 45; letter from, 
concerning Virginia cession, 49; 
criticisms by, 53-54; recommenda- 
tions by, 54-58 

Willing, Captain, expedition of, 
against British, 200 

Will's Creek, storehouse at, 237; 
reference to, 238 

Wilson, James, appreciation of ser- 
vices of, 109 

Wilson, Thomas S., support of, for 
senatorship, 192; nomination of, 
193, 196; number of votes re- 
ceived by, 194-195; reference to, 

Wilson's Creek, care for wounded in 
battle of, 219, 228 

Winnebago Indians, treaty with, 69; 
council attended by, 72 

Winsor, Justin, Prize, winner of, 35 
Winston County (Mississippi), 116 
Wisconsin, legislative reference de- 
partment in, 138 
Wisconsin, State Historical Society 
of, Floyd's journal in possession 
of, 87, 88 
Wisconsin Eiver, military post at 
mouth of, recommended, 70 ; mon- 
ument to Joliet and Marquette at 
mouth of, recommended, 163; 
gathering of Indians near, 205 
Woerner, William F., paper read by, 

Wood, Abram, exploration by, 236 
Woodbury County, appropriations 

by, for Floyd monument, 91 
Woods, John, monument to, at 
Quincy, 160 

Yamasee War, 245-246 

Yamasi Indians, location of, 113; 
'migration of, 116, 117; resentment 
of, at English brutality, 245 

Yanctons, treaty with, 68 

Yazoo Indians, location of, 115 

Yazoo Eiver, Indians on, 113, 115, 
116, 242; reference to, 117, 125 

Yeatman, Mr., supplies conveyed to 
Vicksburg by, 220-221; reference 
to, 222, 232; treatment of Con- 
federates by, 225; efforts of, to 
aid negroes, 227 

Yucatan, culture of Indians in, 123, 

Yuchi Indians, location of, 116, 120; 
tradition of migration of, 119; 
culture of, 125 

Zolnay, George Julian, Sculpture 
as a Factor in History, by, 18, 144